The Power of Gen Z: Student Rebellions and the Challenge to Unrestrained Authority

Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi

There are moments in history when governments appear almost invincible. They command the machinery of the state, control the police and administrative apparatus, enjoy parliamentary majorities and exercise considerable influence over institutions that shape public opinion. Political opposition may appear fragmented, intellectuals hesitant, institutions submissive and ordinary citizens increasingly powerless. Yet history repeatedly demonstrates that political authority, however formidable, is never beyond challenge. Sometimes the most unexpected challenge comes not from established politicians or organised opposition parties, but from young men and women who abandon their classrooms, gather in university corridors and eventually occupy the streets.

What makes these movements particularly fascinating is the enormous imbalance of power between those who govern and those who protest. On one side stand the institutions of the state, supported by laws, administrative structures, security forces and political patronage. On the other are students, unemployed graduates, young workers and ordinary citizens, frequently possessing little beyond their numbers, determination and capacity for collective action. Yet the balance sometimes changes with astonishing speed. A demonstration dismissed as a minor disturbance becomes a nationwide agitation. A police crackdown intended to suppress dissent produces wider public anger. A university protest becomes a political movement, and a government that appeared unassailable suddenly finds itself compelled to defend its legitimacy.

This pattern is not new, but it has acquired fresh intensity in the present moment. What is especially striking is the contrast between the willingness of sections of the younger generation to confront authority and the caution, accommodation or silence visible among sections of established society. At a time when some institutions appear increasingly reluctant to question those in power, young people have continued to raise uncomfortable questions about education, employment, constitutional rights and democratic accountability. The history of student unrest is therefore not merely a history of youthful rebellion. It is also a history of the limits of political power, and of the capacity of ordinary people to challenge its excessive exercise.

The student uprising in Paris in May 1968 remains one of the most striking illustrations of this phenomenon. What began as protests against university regulations and the authoritarian character of educational institutions developed into a much wider confrontation with the French political establishment. Students occupied universities, erected barricades and confronted the police. When the authorities attempted to suppress the demonstrations, public sympathy expanded and millions of workers joined strikes. Factories were occupied, transport was disrupted and the government of Charles de Gaulle faced a profound crisis. De Gaulle, one suspects, had not anticipated that a dispute over dormitory visiting hours would eventually threaten his government. The students did not overthrow the French Republic, nor did their movement produce the political revolution some participants anticipated. Nevertheless, May 1968 exposed the vulnerability of apparently stable institutions and transformed debates about education, authority, gender, individual freedom and social hierarchy.

The movement formed part of a worldwide wave of youthful mobilisation. American students protested against the Vietnam War and racial discrimination. In West Germany, young activists questioned authoritarian traditions. In Mexico, students demanding democratic reforms faced violent repression, culminating in the Tlatelolco massacre. In Prague, students and young intellectuals participated in the movement for political liberalisation, although the Prague Spring extended far beyond the universities. These movements were neither ideologically identical nor equally successful. Yet they demonstrated that students could transform apparently local grievances into wider political questions. University campuses became laboratories of political thought, while the streets became arenas in which the legitimacy of established authority was contested. The young were not merely demanding a place within the existing order. Many were asking whether that order deserved to survive unchanged.

That question has returned with renewed urgency in the present decade. In Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina had governed continuously since 2009. Her administration commanded the state apparatus, and opposition parties had faced extensive restrictions. Yet in 2024, a movement that began with student opposition to quotas in government employment developed into a nationwide uprising. The initial demands concerned fairness in recruitment. But the government’s response, particularly the violence accompanying attempts to suppress the demonstrations, broadened the agitation. What had begun as a dispute over employment opportunities became a confrontation over political authority and accountability. In August 2024, Hasina resigned and left the country. Student leaders subsequently participated in discussions concerning the political transition. The uprising demonstrated the capacity of students to mobilise wider sections of society, although the difficulties of the subsequent transition also revealed that removing a government and establishing durable democratic institutions are very different undertakings. Toppling a regime, it turns out, is considerably easier than governing one.

Nepal witnessed a similarly dramatic development in September 2025. Protests against restrictions on social media rapidly expanded into a wider movement against corruption, nepotism and limited economic opportunities. Young demonstrators questioned the privileges enjoyed by political elites while ordinary citizens struggled with unemployment and insecurity. The government’s attempt to suppress the demonstrations resulted in deaths and intensified public anger. Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli resigned, and an interim administration subsequently took office. In Serbia, students organised sustained protests following the deadly collapse of a railway station canopy in Novi Sad in November 2024, a movement that eventually culminated in the ousting of President Aleksandar Vučić in parliamentary elections. In Kenya, young people played an important role in the demonstrations against proposed taxation in 2024. In Indonesia, student and youth protests have raised questions concerning economic inequality and political privilege.

These movements differ considerably in their political objectives and consequences. Their importance lies not in proving the existence of a single worldwide revolution, but in revealing recurring tensions between younger generations and institutions perceived as insufficiently responsive to their aspirations. The new generation has also acquired means of mobilisation unimaginable to its predecessors. A demonstration can be organised through a mobile telephone, filmed within seconds and transmitted across the world. Images of police action in one country can generate sympathy and discussion among young people thousands of miles away. But technology alone does not explain the phenomenon. Beneath these movements lie years of accumulated grievances concerning employment, education, inequality, corruption and the concentration of political power.

The Indian story of student unrest finds an unexpected echo across Europe, where the same combustible mix of neglected institutions, squeezed futures and a political class seemingly deaf to both has produced a continent-wide convulsion. What began in France over broken classroom boilers has spiralled into something considerably more existential. The French eruption began in mid-September 2026 with almost comically modest demands. High schoolers in the Paris suburbs wanted working heating, substitute teachers who actually spoke the language they were hired to teach, and toilets with doors. Within weeks, the dispute had metastasised into a nationwide confrontation involving students, trade unions and the resurrected gilets jaunes, with some 550,000 people taking to the streets on 17 October alone. The interior ministry counted nearly 2,400 arrests and almost 1,000 injured police officers, while a 15-year-old lost a hand to a police stun grenade. The imagery was stark: burning barricades in Lille, looted shops in Paris, and the 143-year-old town hall in Limoges reduced to a charred shell. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu offered a billion euros for education; students demanded ten. President Macron condemned the “sowers of chaos” while conceding that intelligence had failed to anticipate the scale of the unrest. One Lille organiser, aged sixteen, explained the logic with unnerving clarity: “If everything is burning, the government can’t ignore us.”

The Italian variant arrived with its own theatrical flourish. Students occupied high schools across Rome, draping banners reading “School, not barracks” from the windows. By late October, thousands had marched through Milan, Rome and Turin, with some briefly breaching the Colosseum itself, a gesture that would have impressed even the most ambitious tourist. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government responded by deploying soldiers in Milan and approving a sweeping security decree. The Italian grievances mirrored the French but with a distinctly Mediterranean twist: crumbling classrooms with falling plaster, soaring rents, and a defence budget expanding while education funding shrinks. As one seventeen-year-old in Athens put it, referring to his school’s peeling walls, “It’s not acceptable for classrooms to be dangerous.” In Madrid and Barcelona, the protest took a different physical form: tent camps. Hundreds pitched themselves in Puerta del Sol and Plaça Catalunya, demanding rent freezes and an end to evictions. The trigger was the eviction of an 87-year-old woman after her rent rose by 230 per cent, a figure that manages to be both absurd and entirely unsurprising to anyone who has glanced at a European housing market recently. In Lisbon and Porto, protesters carried a slogan that captured the predicament of an entire generation: “I want to move out from my parents before I’m 50.” It is difficult to satirise a housing crisis that has already satirised itself.

Brussels saw thousands of teenagers hurling firecrackers and road signs at police, with twenty-one detained including thirteen minors. In Greece, students in Athens’ Exarchia neighbourhood protested the contrast between military spending and the state of their classrooms, while fishermen and farmers blocked ports and highways. Albania experienced outright riots in Tirana, with thousands building burning barricades and demanding the prime minister’s resignation. What unites these disparate eruptions is not a single organisation or ideology but a shared diagnosis. As the International Sociological Association’s president observed, young Europeans “do not just feel like they do not have a place in politics, they feel they are not being heard at all.” A twenty-year-old in Bordeaux articulated the logic of the ballot box with brutal simplicity: “We don’t believe in it anymore.” The European movements are also watching each other. Italian students adopted the slogan “do as in France,” while Spanish organisers fielded enquiries from across the continent about how to build a tent camp. The Jolly Roger pirate flag has become a shared emblem, which is at least a more cheerful symbol than a burning town hall.

The European eruption sharpens the point. What began in France over broken classroom boilers spiralled within weeks into a nationwide confrontation involving students, trade unions and the resurrected gilets jaunes, with some 550,000 people on the streets on 17 October alone. The students’ demands were not merely expensive; they were systemically expensive. France is not a poor country forced into austerity by international creditors. Public expenditure exceeds 57 per cent of GDP, tax collections run at roughly 44 per cent, and the fiscal deficit sits near 5 per cent. Yet the money still falls short, and the reason is pensions. The French retire at 62 while most Europeans retire at 67; pensions replace about 70 per cent of working wages; life expectancy is 82.5, and those who reach 60 can expect on average another 26 years. Because the system is pay-as-you-go rather than fully funded, an ageing population means fewer taxpayers supporting more pensioners for longer, compressing the funds available for schools and universities. The students asking for working heating are asking a state that has already promised its money to its grandparents.

Beneath the fiscal squeeze lies a second fracture. About 9 per cent of the French population is foreign-born, and a much larger share are the children of immigrants, mostly from former African colonies. Some have risen to the heights of French academic and artistic life; many have not, and live in underfunded districts where poverty and crime are entrenched and reinforced by brutal, racialised policing. A rallying cry of the protesters has been “Bismillah, c’est les ténèbres”—literally, “In the name of God, it is the darkness.” According to one account, the phrase began when a police operative tried to infiltrate a protest group by prefacing his request for information with “Bismillah.” Protesters seized on the amateurishness of the attempt and turned the phrase into a slogan, mocking both the infiltration and the racialised policing it betrayed. It is a small detail, but it captures something the boiler-repair framing misses: humour, linguistic ingenuity and shared mockery are themselves forms of power available to those who have little else. As pointed out earlier, Italian students occupied high schools with banners reading “School, not barracks,” some briefly breached the Colosseum’s vicinity, and in Madrid and Barcelona hundreds pitched tent camps demanding rent freezes. Brussels saw teenagers hurling firecrackers at police; Tirana saw burning barricades. What unites these eruptions is not an organisation but a diagnosis, captured by a twenty-year-old in Bordeaux: “We don’t believe in it anymore.”

India possesses its own long tradition of student participation in political movements, and the contemporary Gen Z mobilisation belongs to that history while possessing distinctive characteristics. During the struggle against colonial rule, students abandoned classrooms to join nationalist demonstrations, boycotts and campaigns of civil disobedience. The Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920–22 and the Quit India Movement of 1942 witnessed extensive student participation. Independent India experienced equally significant mobilisations. The Nav Nirman movement in Gujarat and the Bihar movement of 1974, subsequently associated with Jayaprakash Narayan’s call for Sampoorna Kranti, demonstrated the capacity of students to challenge established political authority. These movements contributed to the wider political confrontation preceding the Emergency of 1975. Universities were not simply centres of learning. They were also spaces where competing visions of India’s future were debated.

Today’s young people have grown up in a world of expanding educational opportunities and increasingly uncertain employment prospects. They have been encouraged to acquire qualifications and aspire to professional success, yet many confront unemployment, recruitment delays, examination irregularities and the declining accessibility of quality education. Their frustration is not confined to economic insecurity. It extends to questions about political representation, constitutional rights, institutional accountability and the relationship between citizens and the state. A generation that has been encouraged to aspire is increasingly questioning why the institutions responsible for fulfilling those aspirations appear unable or unwilling to respond.

One of the most visible figures in this mobilisation is Neha Bora, the national president of the All India Students’ Association (AISA), a doctoral researcher at Jawaharlal Nehru University and a theatre practitioner. Bora’s political journey is revealing. Their early involvement in theatre helped develop an interest in social questions. The protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019–20 provided an important political turning point. Subsequently, years of campus organising, distributing pamphlets, addressing meetings and participating in demonstrations prepared Bora for a larger public role. During the demonstrations at Jantar Mantar over alleged examination irregularities, Bora participated in protests demanding accountability from the Union Education Ministry. The movement subsequently broadened into questions concerning electoral processes, political representation and the exercise of state authority.

Bora became a familiar presence at demonstrations, sometimes addressing protesters from behind barricades, sometimes being carried away by police personnel, and sometimes reappearing at another location after attempts to prevent gatherings. In October 2026, Reuters described Bora as one of the most visible faces of India’s youth unrest. When police prevented protesters from reaching Jantar Mantar, Bora urged them to regroup elsewhere. Even after detention, Bora insisted that the movement would continue. What makes Bora particularly interesting is not simply the dramatic imagery of confrontation with the police. It is the insistence that political mobilisation emerges from years of accumulated grievances rather than sudden excitement. Speaking to Reuters, Bora observed that fear could spread through society, but hope could spread as well. The remark captures an important psychological dimension of collective action. When people see others questioning authority despite the possibility of arrest or intimidation, their own sense of helplessness may diminish. Bora has also resisted attempts to portray the movement as the achievement of a single charismatic personality, a refreshing departure in a political culture where individual leaders are frequently elevated above the movements that sustain them.

If Neha Bora represents the organisational spine of the movement, Neha Singh Rathore represents its soundtrack. A Bhojpuri folk singer and political satirist who describes herself as Gen Z, Rathore rose to national prominence through her UP Mein Ka Ba series, which took aim at governance failures, unemployment, inflation and paper leaks with a sharpness that conventional commentary rarely musters. When she spoke about the Gen Z protests at Jantar Mantar, she did so with the clarity of someone who had already spent years absorbing the cost of asking questions: police complaints, legal notices and a steady stream of online abuse. Her support for the movement was neither uncritical nor performative. She described the Cockroach Janta Party as a reaction to what many young people felt was the public humiliation of their aspirations, while cautioning that youthful enthusiasm could be both a movement’s greatest strength and its greatest vulnerability to manipulation. It is the kind of observation that comes from experience rather than distance.

What makes Rathore significant to the story of Gen Z mobilisation is the role she illustrates: the cultural amplifier. Student organisers build the infrastructure of protest – the hunger strikes, the legal aid, the negotiations. But movements also need voices that carry beyond the barricades, into WhatsApp groups and family gatherings and the wider public imagination. When a viral video emerged from Jantar Mantar showing a young woman being mistreated, Rathore’s response was immediate and unsparing, connecting the incident to a broader pattern of hostility toward women who dare to question authority. She asked why those accused of attacking student protesters were not being sent to the border to defend the country instead. It was the kind of remark that would be reckless from a politician and is merely honest from a folk singer. Her presence in the movement also complicates any tidy narrative about who belongs to Gen Z and what they want. Rathore is not a student leader, nor does she claim to be. She is a cultural worker who has made a career of translating grievances into songs that travel further than press releases. When she appeared alongside Rahul Gandhi at a youth outreach event, she spoke about the harassment and legal pressure she had faced for raising social and political concerns, and about what genuine respect for women would look like in a society that punishes those who ask questions. The contrast with the students fasting outside Jantar Mantar is instructive: different platforms, different methods, same underlying insistence that accountability is not an unreasonable demand. The students provide the courage; the singers provide the language that carries it further.

The growing attention surrounding Bora and Rathore should not obscure the contribution of the young people working alongside them. Danish Ali, Joint Secretary of the JNU Students’ Union, and Anjali, associated with AISA’s Delhi University unit, have been prominent participants in the agitation. Both have appeared alongside Bora during demonstrations and public discussions concerning the treatment of protesters. Danish participated in the hunger strike and has spoken about the years of patient organisational work underlying Bora’s emergence. Anjali’s experience illustrates another dimension of the movement. During the demonstrations, Anjali reportedly suffered a leg injury following police action. Yet the injury did not end her participation in student politics, a reminder that commitment is not measured in comfort. Other organisers, including AISA general secretary Prasenjeet Kumar, N. Sai Balaji and several young activists associated with other student organisations, have also contributed to the movement. The Cockroach Janta Party, or CJP, has added another distinctive element. Emerging through satire, digital communication and youth mobilisation, its organisers have worked with AISA on particular demands while retaining their own identity. The role of other hunger strikers and volunteers should also be recognised. The Jantar Mantar agitation was sustained not only by speeches but by prolonged fasting, coordination, publicity, legal assistance and the everyday work of maintaining a protest. These contributions remind us that movements are rarely the achievements of a single individual, however prominent that person may become. The face seen on television represents a much larger network of organisers, volunteers and supporters.

The power of the present youth movement becomes particularly visible when we turn from Jantar Mantar to India’s university campuses, where the conflict is often not over the overthrow of governments or even the replacement of university administrations. It concerns something more fundamental: the right of students to organise, elect representatives, express disagreement and participate in decisions affecting their institutions. The protests at Jamia Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University in December 2019 remain important landmarks. During the demonstrations against the Citizenship Amendment Act, police entered Jamia’s campus, and students at both institutions reported serious injuries and excessive force. The incidents generated widespread concern and brought students from JNU, Jadavpur and other universities into solidarity demonstrations. These events revealed how quickly a university protest could become a national controversy. They also raised questions about the relationship between academic autonomy, policing and the constitutional right to peaceful assembly.

The most recent developments at Jamia Millia Islamia are particularly revealing. In October 2026, students began an indefinite hunger strike demanding the restoration of their elected Students’ Union, whose elections had not been held since 2006. The demand was hardly revolutionary in itself. They wanted an institution through which students could participate in university affairs, raise grievances and negotiate with the administration. Yet the response produced a confrontation of remarkable intensity. Students alleged that security personnel assaulted and forcibly removed hunger strikers in the early hours of 17 October. Some protesters were detained, while others faced suspension and rustication orders. The administration maintained that disciplinary and security measures were necessary, but student organisations questioned both their proportionality and their legality. As the agitation continued, the university shifted teaching online and restricted access to the campus. Police and paramilitary personnel were deployed around the institution. Students reported being prevented from entering, while others attempted to cross barricades and campus walls to reach their fellow protesters. By 26 October, the confrontation had become even more serious. According to The Indian Express, more than 700 security personnel were deployed and over 40 students were briefly detained. The administration issued a notice ordering protesters to vacate their protest site, warning of possible disciplinary action. The images of security personnel surrounding a university while students demanded an elected union raised an obvious question: why should a dispute over democratic representation require such extensive security arrangements? One might reasonably ask whether the barricades were protecting the university from the students or the students from the university.

The administration was eventually forced to issue an order promising elections within fifteen days of the approval of a new Students’ Union constitution. It also announced the withdrawal of suspension and show-cause notices and an inquiry into the conduct of security personnel. But the students pointed out that the order contained no definite deadline for approving the constitution. It also included conditions concerning public apologies and the removal of allegedly defamatory statements. The dispute was therefore far from resolved. Among those who continued the hunger strike were Ebin Basil and Rehan Khan, whose determination had become an important feature of the agitation. Their position was that an assurance without a clear and enforceable timetable did not adequately meet the students’ demands. What is particularly striking is that the students continued their agitation despite detentions, disciplinary proceedings, restricted campus access and the physical strain of prolonged fasting. Their demands concerned representation and accountability, but the methods used to contain the movement transformed the dispute into a wider debate about academic freedom and the use of coercive authority.

Jamia’s experience is not an isolated episode. At Aligarh Muslim University, students undertook a prolonged agitation in September and October 2026, including an indefinite hunger strike, demanding the restoration of Students’ Union elections and changes in the university’s proctorial administration. The movement eventually resulted in an announcement restoring elections after eight years. Aligarh possesses a particularly important tradition of student politics. From the debating culture of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College and the Siddons Club to the later Aligarh Muslim University Students’ Union, the institution has long served as a training ground for public speaking, political debate and civic participation. Its history has not been free from factionalism or political interference. Yet these problems cannot automatically justify the indefinite suspension of representative institutions. The agitation at Aligarh was significant because it demonstrated that students could sustain collective pressure over an institutional demand. The eventual administrative concession showed that negotiation and protest could produce results without necessarily involving a change in government. Allahabad University, Lucknow University and Banaras Hindu University have also witnessed recurring protests over student representation, educational policy, examinations, recruitment and campus facilities. At Jadavpur University, student politics has long been associated with questions of academic autonomy, democratic rights and broader social movements. The use of police or disciplinary measures varies across these institutions, and it would be inaccurate to describe every confrontation as identical. Nevertheless, allegations of excessive force, arbitrary disciplinary action and restrictions upon peaceful assembly have repeatedly accompanied campus disputes. The central question is whether universities regard student representation and dissent as legitimate parts of academic life or as disturbances to be managed through administrative control. For those of us who have spent decades teaching in universities, the question is especially important. Education is not simply the acquisition of degrees or the preparation for employment. It involves learning to question, reason, disagree and participate responsibly in public life. A university that teaches constitutional democracy while denying students meaningful opportunities for representation risks creating a contradiction between its intellectual purpose and its administrative practices, a rather awkward position for an institution dedicated to the pursuit of truth.

The recurring confrontation between young protesters and security forces deserves serious historical attention. Governments possess legitimate responsibilities to maintain public order, protect citizens and regulate demonstrations. Universities likewise have responsibilities to safeguard students and ensure that academic activities continue. But these responsibilities do not eliminate the right to peaceful dissent. The use of coercive authority must remain proportionate, lawful and subject to independent scrutiny. When peaceful protesters are met with excessive force, preventive detention or arbitrary disciplinary proceedings, the consequences can extend far beyond the immediate demonstration. Such actions may discourage participation, weaken confidence in public institutions and transform relatively limited grievances into wider political controversies. The recent experience of Jamia illustrates this danger. A demand for elected representation became a prolonged confrontation involving police deployment, hunger strikes, detentions, administrative notices and restrictions upon campus access. The same tension is visible in the demonstrations associated with Neha Bora and other young organisers. Repeated detentions did not necessarily end the protests. Instead, they sometimes became part of the movement’s public narrative. This does not mean that protesters are exempt from legal obligations or that every allegation against the authorities is necessarily established. It means that the exercise of state power, particularly against peaceful political activity, requires careful justification. A constitutional democracy must be capable of distinguishing between disagreement and disorder. It must also recognise that the presence of dissent does not, by itself, signify a failure of governance.

Perhaps the most thought-provoking aspect of the present mobilisation is the contrast it invites with the behaviour of sections of established society. Universities, professional organisations, cultural institutions and public intellectuals possess resources, experience and institutional standing that students often lack. Yet their responses to controversial public questions are sometimes marked by caution, silence or accommodation. Such behaviour can arise from different circumstances. Individuals may fear professional consequences, institutional retaliation, financial insecurity or damage to their careers. Others may genuinely disagree with the protesters or prefer quieter forms of engagement. Silence, therefore, cannot automatically be equated with submission. Nevertheless, there is a legitimate question about the responsibilities of those who possess institutional influence. When students risk disciplinary proceedings, interrupted education or detention to raise public questions, what responsibilities fall upon teachers, intellectuals and professional bodies whose very work depends upon freedom of inquiry and expression? This contrast becomes particularly significant within universities. Students may have much to lose. Their degrees, scholarships, accommodation and future employment can all be affected by prolonged confrontation. Yet some continue to participate despite these risks. The courage displayed by such students deserves recognition without suggesting that confrontation is the only legitimate form of civic engagement. Equally important are the quieter contributions of teachers, lawyers, journalists and citizens who defend due process, investigate allegations of abuse and provide opportunities for dialogue. The strength of democratic society depends not upon one generation alone, but upon the willingness of different generations and institutions to uphold the principles they profess.

The word revolution is frequently invoked when young people fill the streets. But history requires us to distinguish between political upheaval, institutional reform and deeper social transformation. The students of Paris in 1968 did not overthrow the French government, yet their movement contributed to lasting changes in social attitudes. The temptation to read every youth eruption as a prelude to progressive renewal should be resisted. The disruptions in France do not automatically deliver the country to Marine Le Pen, but neither do they automatically produce a new republic liberated from neoliberalism. Macron may well become one of the most unpopular figures in recent French history as he contains the protests, yet he remains the most articulate and credible liberal-democratic leader France has. The headline writer who invoked Fahrenheit 451 understood the stakes: the fear is not that students are burning books, but that a state which cuts school maintenance, apprenticeship programmes and university funding while spending ever more on pensions and defence is quietly extinguishing the institutions that make democratic citizenship possible. The students of Bangladesh in 2024 helped bring down a long-established administration. Nepal’s youth mobilisation precipitated a political transition in 2025. In India, the 2026 demonstrations have brought educational opportunity, student representation and electoral accountability into renewed public discussion. Across Europe, the French prime minister survived a confidence vote while students demanded ten times his education budget, Italian students occupied the Colosseum’s vicinity, and Spanish youth erected tent camps in the heart of Madrid. These are different kinds of achievements. Their long-term consequences cannot be measured by the size of demonstrations alone. Revolutionary change also raises difficult questions. Can movements that challenge arbitrary authority create institutions that respect disagreement? Can youthful energy be translated into lasting improvements in education, employment and public accountability? Can organisations that mobilise through protest also negotiate, compromise and govern responsibly? The answers are not predetermined. Nor should youth itself be romanticised. Young people can mobilise for democratic rights, but they can also support exclusionary or authoritarian causes. The historical significance of a movement depends upon its principles, methods and consequences rather than the age of its participants. Nevertheless, the present wave of youth activism reveals an important shift in political participation. Many young people no longer regard public affairs as the exclusive domain of established leaders or political parties. They are claiming the right to question decisions affecting their lives, whether those decisions concern university elections, recruitment procedures, public expenditure or constitutional institutions.

The spectacle of young people challenging established authority is not entirely new. What is new is the speed with which their movements can communicate, organise and acquire international visibility. A student protest in Delhi can be watched in Dhaka, Kathmandu, Paris or London within minutes. The experience of one movement becomes part of the political imagination of young people elsewhere. French students burn barricades; Italian students raise banners; Spanish students pitch tents; Indian students fast outside Jantar Mantar. The methods travel faster than the grievances, but the grievances are never far behind. Yet the ultimate test remains unchanged. Can the energy of protest be translated into durable institutions, accountable leadership and greater opportunities for participation? Can movements that challenge arbitrary authority avoid reproducing it within their own ranks? Can the desire for fundamental change coexist with respect for democratic procedures and the rights of those who disagree? These questions will determine the longer historical significance of the present wave of youth mobilisation.

For the moment, however, the participation of Neha Bora, Neha Rathore, Danish, Anjali and numerous other young activists has become part of India’s contemporary political story. So have the hunger strikes at Jamia, the struggle for student representation at Aligarh and the recurring demands for institutional accountability at Jadavpur and other universities across the country. Their experiences differ, and not every participant belongs to the same organisation or shares the same political outlook. But collectively they illustrate the continued importance of youth participation in public affairs. The recent events at Jamia are particularly instructive. Students demanding an elected union encountered extensive security measures, detentions and disciplinary proceedings. Yet they continued to organise, negotiate and insist upon a definite response. Their determination does not settle every question about the movement’s demands or methods. It does, however, challenge the assumption that young people are politically indifferent or incapable of sustained collective action.

The power of Gen Z lies not in its ability invariably to overthrow governments, but in its capacity to challenge decisions that appear beyond question and to insist that institutions remain accountable to those whose lives they govern. The young do not always make history in the manner they intend. Their victories may be incomplete, their movements divided and their hopes disappointed. Yet the history of modern societies would have been profoundly different had successive generations of students always accepted the world exactly as they found it. And perhaps that is the enduring significance of the present generation. At a time when sections of established society appear hesitant to question power, these young people are demonstrating that civic participation need not wait for age, office or permission. They are not merely waiting to inherit the future. They are demanding a voice in its making.

The deeper question in the end, however, is not why the young are angry but why they have been given so much to be angry about and disillusioned. The answer lies in the long ascendancy of a governing logic that has spent four decades treating citizens as consumers, public institutions as cost centres and education as an investment expected to pay for itself. Neoliberalism promised that opportunity would follow effort, that qualifications would guarantee security and that the market would distribute rewards fairly to those who worked hard enough. For a generation raised on that promise, the arithmetic has simply failed. They have been encouraged to accumulate debt for degrees that no longer guarantee employment, to compete for housing they cannot afford and to enter labour markets that offer flexibility to employers and precarity to everyone else. The result is not apathy but disillusionment of a particular kind: a generation that still believes in the promise, and is furious that the adults who made it have quietly abandoned it. This is why the protests in Paris, Dhaka, Kathmandu and Delhi share a common grammar despite their different languages. They are not merely demanding better schools or fairer recruitment. They are questioning a settlement that has turned the future into a commodity and then priced it beyond the reach of those expected to inherit it. The young are dissatisfied because they were promised a world that the neoliberalism of their elders never intended to deliver, and disillusioned because they have now noticed the gap between the rhetoric and the receipts. Whether they can close that gap is the political question of the coming decade.

Sharjeel Imam, Islam and the Problem of Reading History Through Faith: Reflections on his interview with The Quint and the debate it has generated

Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi

Sharjeel Imam’s extensive interview with Athique Haneef (The Quint, 29 September 2026) has generated considerable discussion among intellectuals, political commentators and civil rights activists. And that is what I am dealing with today.

The responses have ranged from strong criticism of his political philosophy to sympathetic attempts to understand the historical experiences that have shaped his thinking. What makes the interview significant is that Imam is not merely commenting upon the contemporary condition of Indian Muslims. He is offering an interpretation of Indian history, nationalism, secularism, constitutionalism and the relationship between religion and political identity.

There can be little disagreement that the questions he raises about discrimination, political representation, communal violence and the marginalisation of Muslims deserve serious attention. Nor should criticism of his political views obscure his prolonged incarceration as an undertrial. As Md Zeeshan Ahmad (The Quint, 23 October 2026) emphasises, the defence of constitutional liberty cannot depend upon the ideological acceptability of the person concerned. His right to due process must be defended independently of whether one agrees with his arguments.

Yet the legitimacy of Imam’s grievances does not automatically establish the historical validity of his conclusions. His interview reveals an intellectual framework in which Islam, or rather his particular understanding of Islam, becomes the principal means of interpreting history, society and political emancipation. It is precisely here that a historian must begin asking questions.

Islam is not a single interpretation

Imam identifies himself with a tradition of Islamic modernism associated with Jamaluddin Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Rashid Rida, Muhammad Iqbal and Ali Shariati. He invokes tawhid, the unity of God, as the foundation of justice, liberty and equality, while extending the concept of shirk beyond its conventional theological meaning to encompass nationalism, materialism, casteism, despotism and other forms of oppression.

This is an interesting intellectual exercise. But it remains an interpretation, not an uncontested definition of Islam.

Islam, like other major religious traditions, has never possessed a single, universally accepted understanding of society, political authority or the relationship between faith and reason. Sunni and Shi’i theological traditions, Mu’tazili rationalists, Ash’ari theologians, philosophers, Sufis, jurists and modern reformers have differed profoundly on questions of authority, free will, reason, religious knowledge and political legitimacy.

Even within Shi’i thought, interpretations of religious and political authority have varied considerably. The political philosophy of Ali Shariati, for example, cannot simply be equated with that of traditional Shi’i jurists, much less with every strand of Shi’i intellectual history.

The same diversity characterises Islamic modernism. Afghani, Abduh, Rashid Rida and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan were responding to different historical circumstances and did not arrive at identical conclusions. Indeed, Rashid Rida’s later political and theological positions differed substantially from some of the rationalist tendencies associated with Abduh.

Why, then, should Imam’s particular selection of thinkers and theological concepts be treated as representative of an Islamic worldview?

One might equally invoke Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Husain Ahmad Madani or the numerous Muslim intellectuals who defended composite nationalism and regarded religious faith as entirely compatible with participation in a shared political community.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan himself, whose rationalist religious writings challenged conventional interpretations of scripture, would resist easy placement within any single contemporary political category. His intellectual legacy cannot be reduced to Muslim communal politics.

There is a fundamental difference between Islam as a religious tradition, the many historical interpretations of Islam, and Sharjeel Imam’s own interpretation of that tradition. To confuse these is to turn one individual’s political theology into an apparently universal religious position.

When theology becomes historical explanation

Imam’s understanding of history as a struggle between tawhid and shirk raises a methodological difficulty. Religious beliefs can certainly inspire movements against injustice, but they cannot by themselves explain the complex historical processes through which societies have developed.

If tawhid necessarily produces liberty and equality, how are we to explain the histories of slavery, monarchy, social hierarchy, sectarian persecution and political despotism within Muslim societies themselves?

The Delhi Sultanate, the Mughal Empire, the Ottoman state and the Safavid monarchy were not interchangeable political formations merely because their rulers professed Islam. Their institutions, social structures, economic interests and political cultures emerged from particular historical circumstances.

Nor were their societies divided neatly between believers and non-believers. Political alliances frequently crossed religious boundaries, while conflicts within Muslim ruling groups could be as intense as conflicts between different religious communities.

The Mughal experience is particularly instructive. Akbar’s policy of sulh-i kul, the incorporation of diverse groups into the imperial nobility and the intellectual exchanges encouraged at his court cannot be explained through a simple theological opposition between monotheism and its supposed alternatives.

Imam is entitled to understand the world through his faith. A historian, however, must ask whether that understanding adequately explains the evidence. The distinction between religious conviction and historical explanation must not disappear.

Partition and the temptation of selective history

Imam’s interpretation of Partition provides another illustration of the difficulties inherent in his approach. He places considerable responsibility upon the Congress leadership, particularly its insistence upon a strong Centre, while presenting Jinnah and the Muslim League as defenders of Muslim political autonomy.

There is nothing illegitimate about questioning the decisions of Gandhi, Nehru or the Congress leadership. Historical scholarship has long examined Congress centralism, the failure of the Cabinet Mission Plan and the competing constitutional visions of the 1940s. Yet criticism of Congress cannot become a justification for treating Jinnah’s political project as though it were free from contradictions.

Md Zeeshan Ahmad (The Quint, 23 October 2026) challenges Imam’s interpretation of the freedom struggle as reductive. His critique draws attention to the danger of presenting a complex anti-colonial movement primarily as a confrontation between Congress and the Muslim League, thereby diminishing the role of British imperial power and other political formations.

K.B.S. Sidhu (ThePrint, 10 October 2026), writing from the perspective of Sikh history, raises a related objection. The Cabinet Mission Plan, which Imam regards favourably, would have placed Punjab within a grouping of Muslim-majority provinces. Sikh leaders feared that their own political interests would be subordinated within this arrangement. Thus, a constitutional formula presented as protection for one minority could appear threatening to another.

This is precisely why the history of Partition cannot be written exclusively from the standpoint of either Congress or the Muslim League. It must also incorporate the experiences of Sikhs, Dalits, regional political formations and those Muslims who rejected the demand for Pakistan.

One might also ask why the ideas of Maulana Azad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Husain Ahmad Madani and other advocates of composite nationalism should receive less consideration than those of Iqbal and Jinnah. They too were Muslims, many deeply committed to Islam, but they arrived at very different political conclusions.

Their existence challenges the assumption that a particular conception of Muslim political autonomy represented the inevitable political expression of Islam.

Secularism is not synonymous with majoritarianism

Imam’s criticism of secular nationalism is among the more provocative elements of his interview. He suggests that the secular consensus has obscured Muslim political interests and that secular nationalism shares certain assumptions with Hindutva, particularly concerning national unity and centralised political authority.

There are genuine historical questions here. Indian secularism has frequently been inconsistent, and governments professing secular principles have sometimes failed to prevent communal violence or protect minorities.

Yet the failure of a political principle in practice does not necessarily invalidate the principle itself.

Md Zeeshan Ahmad cited above, questions Imam’s characterisation of secularism as a trap. Indian secularism emerged through a complicated intellectual and political history. As Shabnum Tejani demonstrates in Indian Secularism: A Social and Intellectual History, 1890–1950 (Indiana University Press, 2008), it developed through competing political and social understandings rather than as a single, predetermined ideological project.

There is also a fundamental distinction between a constitutional arrangement that recognises equal citizenship irrespective of religion and a political ideology that privileges the identity of the religious majority.

Criticism of secular governments is entirely compatible with defending secularism as a constitutional principle. Indeed, such criticism frequently draws its moral force from the failure of governments to honour their professed commitments.

At the same time, secularism must be examined critically rather than idealised. The relationship between religious personal laws, community rights and gender equality demonstrates that protecting religious communities can sometimes generate tensions with the rights of individuals within those communities.

This is a question Imam’s emphasis upon collective Muslim rights does not sufficiently resolve.

Who speaks for the Muslims?

One of the more problematic implications of Imam’s argument is his repeated treatment of Muslims as a collective political subject, frequently expressed through the vocabulary of qaum.

But who constitutes this qaum, and who possesses the authority to speak on its behalf?

Indian Muslims have never formed a homogeneous social or political community. Differences of caste, class, gender, language, region, sect and intellectual orientation have shaped their experiences.

The political concerns of a Pasmanda agricultural labourer may differ considerably from those of an urban ashraf professional. Muslim women have their own histories of struggles over education, property, marriage, divorce and participation in public life.

Md Zeeshan Ahmad raises important questions about the relationship between collective Muslim identity, internal inequalities and the broader solidarities visible during the anti-CAA protests.

Imam does acknowledge the importance of backward-caste Muslims and proposes measures for their representation. Nevertheless, recognition of social diversity is not quite the same as allowing that diversity to reshape the foundations of one’s political argument.

The question remains whether religious identity should become the principal organising category of political life, or whether the struggle against discrimination can be pursued through broader solidarities encompassing caste, class, gender and citizenship.

The anti-CAA protests themselves demonstrated the possibilities of such solidarities. Their constitutional vocabulary, public readings of the Preamble and participation across religious communities constituted an important part of their political character.

To understand that movement primarily as an expression of Muslim communal mobilisation would be to overlook one of its most distinctive features.

A different reading: Asim Ali and radical democracy

Not all responses to Imam have been critical. Asim Ali (The Telegraph, 24 October 2026) offers a more sympathetic interpretation, arguing that Imam’s political ideas should be understood against the accumulated historical experiences of discrimination and violence faced by Muslims.

Drawing upon the historian Reinhart Koselleck’s concept of a shared space of experience, Ali suggests that memories of communal violence and political exclusion help explain why Imam’s arguments resonate with sections of educated Muslim youth.

Ali also interprets Imam’s proposals for decentralisation, proportional representation and political alliances through the framework of radical democracy associated with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. From this perspective, particular communities can articulate their demands without necessarily abandoning the possibility of broader democratic cooperation.

This interpretation adds an important dimension to the discussion. Religious or community-based mobilisation need not automatically entail separatism or rejection of democracy. Historically disadvantaged groups may organise around shared identities precisely because existing political institutions have failed to address their concerns.

Yet an explanation of why a political worldview emerges is not the same as a demonstration that its historical interpretation is accurate.

The experience of discrimination may explain Imam’s distrust of Congress nationalism and secular constitutionalism. It does not, by itself, establish that his understanding of Partition is correct, that Jinnah’s political programme offers an appropriate model for the present, or that his interpretation of Islam should provide the intellectual foundations of Muslim political mobilisation.

Nor should the historical experiences of Indian Muslims be reduced entirely to victimhood. Their history includes intellectual creativity, political participation, social mobility, commercial enterprise, cultural interaction and contributions to the making of modern India.

A history organised exclusively around persecution risks becoming as selective as one that refuses to acknowledge persecution at all.

The neglected histories of coexistence

What is particularly striking about Imam’s historical imagination is the limited place it leaves for the long and complicated history of coexistence and interaction in the Indian subcontinent.

The history of medieval and early modern India was not simply a history of religious communities confronting one another. It was also a history of shared institutions, overlapping identities and continuous cultural exchanges.

The Mughal nobility incorporated individuals of diverse religious, ethnic and regional backgrounds. Commercial partnerships frequently crossed confessional boundaries. Persianate literary culture flourished alongside Sanskrit, Braj, Awadhi and other vernacular traditions. Religious and intellectual exchanges shaped artistic production, architecture, literature and everyday life.

None of this implies that precolonial India was free from religious conflict or social inequality. Such romanticisation would be equally misleading.

But these experiences demonstrate that religious identity was only one among several forces shaping historical relationships.

Even within the domain of Islamic intellectual history, there were competing understandings of religious authority and political legitimacy. The debates surrounding Akbar’s religious policies, the responses of different Muslim scholars, the intellectual positions of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi and the traditions of Shi’i scholarship illustrate a much more complicated religious landscape than a singular Islamic political philosophy would suggest.

It is therefore necessary to distinguish between the history of Islam in India, the history of Indian Muslims and the history of Muslim political movements. These are related fields of enquiry, but they are not interchangeable.

The danger of replacing one communal narrative with another

There is a larger issue underlying this entire debate.

Much of the contemporary rewriting of Indian history seeks to portray the medieval period as an age of Hindu subjugation under Muslim rulers. Historians have repeatedly challenged this interpretation by demonstrating the diversity of political relationships, the importance of economic and institutional structures and the inadequacy of reducing historical developments to religious conflict.

But the same methodological standards must apply when history is interpreted from a Muslim communitarian perspective.

If Hindu majoritarian historiography is criticised for treating Hindus as an undifferentiated historical community, it would be inconsistent to accept an equally undifferentiated conception of Muslims.

If the claim that Indian history represents a continuous Hindu struggle against Muslim domination is historically untenable, an interpretation centred upon an equally continuous struggle for Muslim communal autonomy must also be examined critically.

The two narratives arise from different political circumstances, and the unequal distribution of power in contemporary India must not be ignored. They should not be treated as equivalent in their social consequences. Nevertheless, neither should be exempt from historical scrutiny.

History cannot become an instrument for confirming the collective grievances or aspirations of whichever community happens to be narrating it.

It must remain open to evidence, contradiction, complexity and revision.

The Constitution, its limitations and its possibilities

Imam’s constitutional arguments deserve examination beyond the simple opposition between defending the Constitution and rejecting it.

He raises questions about centralisation, minority representation, decentralisation and the inadequacy of existing political safeguards. Some of these concerns have also been discussed by constitutional scholars and advocates of federalism.

K.B.S. Sidhu (ThePrint, 10 October 2026), while disagreeing with Imam’s larger framework, acknowledges the legitimacy of debating proportional representation and the exclusion of Dalit Muslims and Christians from Scheduled Caste recognition. He also points to the constitutional guarantees already available to religious minorities, including their educational and cultural rights.

Sushim Mukul (India Today, 24 October 2026) similarly argues that the Constitution provides mechanisms through which inequalities can be challenged and institutional arrangements reformed. He distinguishes between the failure of constitutional institutions to deliver equality and the claim that the Constitution itself is responsible for discrimination.

The existence of constitutional protections does not prove that they have always been effectively implemented. Equally, failures of implementation do not necessarily demonstrate that the constitutional framework is incapable of reform.

A further question concerns the relationship between communal representation and common citizenship. Electoral arrangements designed exclusively around religious identity may strengthen the representation of particular communities, but they may also institutionalise the very divisions that a plural democracy seeks to negotiate.

These are questions of constitutional design, not matters that can be settled through historical grievance alone.

Islam, history and the plurality of Indian experience

Sharjeel Imam’s interview offers an opportunity to reflect upon the relationship between religious belief, political identity and historical understanding. His arguments emerge from genuine concerns about the condition of Indian Muslims, but they also reflect a particular selection of intellectual traditions and historical experiences.

His interpretation of Islam is one among many. His reading of Partition is one among several competing historical explanations. His conception of Muslim political representation is likewise a political proposition that must be debated rather than accepted as the inevitable expression of communal interests.

Faith can inspire individuals to resist injustice, pursue equality and imagine a better society. It can provide moral strength in circumstances of suffering and political exclusion. But faith, however sincerely held, does not confer immunity from historical criticism.

Nor can any individual, whether a religious scholar, political activist or intellectual, claim to speak for the entirety of a religious community whose members differ profoundly in their beliefs, experiences and aspirations.

The history of Indian Muslims cannot be reduced to the history of the Muslim League, just as the history of India cannot be reduced to the history of the Congress. Equally, Islam cannot be reduced to the interpretations of Iqbal, Jinnah, Maududi, Shariati or Sharjeel Imam.

The central question is whether a politics seeking to overcome exclusion can do so without making religious identity the overriding category through which history and citizenship are understood.

Perhaps the most useful lesson emerging from this controversy is that defending an individual’s constitutional rights and critically examining his intellectual positions are not contradictory obligations. Both are essential to a society that values freedom of thought.

The historian’s task is neither to sanctify the past nor to place it at the service of contemporary political identities. It is to recover its complexities, recognise its contradictions and resist the temptation to turn history into theology, whether majoritarian or minoritarian.

My own view, thus, is that Sharjeel Imam’s interview is best read as a symptom rather than a solution. The grievances it articulates are real, and the state’s prolonged detention of an undertrial without trial remains a standing indictment of our constitutional practice. But the remedy he proposes, reading Indian history and citizenship primarily through the lens of a particular Islamic theology, risks substituting one closed narrative for another. The task before those who genuinely wish to overcome the exclusion of Indian Muslims is not to choose between a majoritarian and a minoritarian reading of the past, but to insist that both be held to the same standards of evidence and complexity. Imam deserves to be heard, and he deserves due process; his arguments, however, deserve to be answered rather than sanctified. A plural democracy is strengthened not by elevating any single community’s faith or grievance into the organising principle of national life, but by defending the constitutional space in which competing claims – religious and secular, individual and collective – can be argued out on equal terms. That, rather than the recovery of a lost political theology, is where the real possibilities of justice lie.

Principal articles Consulted:

Athique Haneef, interview with Sharjeel Imam, The Quint, 29 September 2026.

Md Zeeshan Ahmad, “Where Sharjeel Imam’s Arguments on Constitutionalism and Secularism Fall Short”, The Quint, 23 October 2026.

K.B.S. Sidhu, “Sharjeel Imam Wants to Pick Up Where 1946 Left Off. A Sikh Reads the Fine Print”, ThePrint, 10 October 2026.

Asim Ali, “Demonised Voice”, The Telegraph, 24 October 2026.

Sushim Mukul, “Countering Sharjeel Imam with the Constitution He Challenged”, India Today, 24 October 2026.

When Memory Becomes History: Oral History, Oral Traditions and the Recovering of the People’s Past

Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi

I was recently invited by the HRDC Nainital Academic College (UGC MMTTC), Kumaun University to deliver two lectures. One of which was on Oral History with special reference to late Professor Lal Bahadur Verma. I am posting the text here for the students who may be interested to know something on the topic. I thank Professor Reetesh Sah, Registrar of Kumaun University for inviting me.

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History begins with evidence. This is perhaps the first principle we teach our students. The historian cannot reconstruct the past simply through imagination, however persuasive that imagination might be. Statements about the past have to be supported by evidence, tested against other evidence, placed within context and subjected to criticism. Yet the moment we accept this principle, another question arises. What constitutes historical evidence?

For a long time, professional historians were inclined to give a privileged position to the written document. The archive became almost synonymous with the historian’s laboratory. Administrative records, revenue papers, judicial proceedings, diplomatic correspondence, private letters, newspapers, chronicles and inscriptions formed the material out of which histories were constructed. The more scientifically history sought to establish itself as a discipline, the greater appeared its dependence upon such documentation.

But there is an obvious difficulty here. Human beings were making history long before they began writing it down. Even in literate societies, only a very small proportion of human experience finds its way into written records. A Mughal revenue document can tell us how much revenue was assessed upon a village, but it does not necessarily tell us how the cultivator experienced the collection of that revenue. A colonial police report may describe a demonstration, but the demonstrators themselves might have remembered that occasion very differently. A government file recording communal violence, migration or displacement can provide us with dates, numbers and official decisions, but it cannot necessarily tell us what it meant to lose one’s home. There is, therefore, an enormous realm of human experience which survives outside the conventional archive. It survives in memory, and it is here that oral history begins.

What Oral History Is, and How It Differs from Oral Tradition

In its simplest sense, oral history is the systematic recording and historical interpretation of memories communicated through the spoken word. The historian speaks to people who experienced an event, participated in a movement, belonged to an institution, practised a craft, inhabited a particular landscape or inherited memories from an earlier generation. Their testimony is recorded, preserved, compared with other evidence and subjected to historical analysis. This sounds deceptively simple, because people have always spoken about the past. Grandparents have told stories to grandchildren, communities have preserved genealogies, soldiers have narrated battles, migrants have remembered lost homes, pilgrims have repeated legends about sacred places and artisans have transmitted knowledge from one generation to another. But oral history as a historical method involves something more deliberate. It converts the spoken recollection into evidence while simultaneously recognising the peculiar nature of that evidence.

An oral historian does not merely ask questions and write down the answers. The historian has to ask several searching questions. Who is speaking? When is this person speaking? To whom? Why is a particular event remembered while another has been forgotten? Has the story changed during repeated narration? Is an individual memory being influenced by a larger collective memory? Has something subsequently read in a newspaper or book entered what the speaker now believes to be a personal recollection? These problems do not invalidate oral evidence; they make it interesting. Indeed, we should remind ourselves that written evidence is hardly free from similar problems. Abul Fazl wrote from within the Mughal court. A colonial district officer wrote as a representative of the colonial state. A police officer recording a political demonstration saw it through the institutional assumptions of the police. A newspaper had its readership and political position. An autobiography was written retrospectively. Even an inscription erected by a ruler was intended to convey a particular image of that ruler. No source speaks without mediation, and the oral source is therefore not uniquely unreliable; it is differently constructed. The task of the historian is not to divide evidence mechanically into reliable written sources and unreliable oral sources, but to understand how every source came into existence.

At this stage another distinction becomes necessary. Oral history and oral tradition are closely related, but they are not quite the same thing. Oral history usually involves testimony concerning events that remain within living memory. A person may describe participation in the freedom movement, memories of Partition, life in a princely state, a peasant movement, a strike, a university agitation or the transformation of a town during his or her lifetime. Oral tradition, on the other hand, can travel much further back. A community may preserve memories of migration over several generations. A family may recount how its ancestors came to a particular village. A shrine may possess narratives explaining its foundation. A caste or tribal community may preserve genealogies, songs or legends about its origins. Here we move from individual memory towards collective transmission.

The great methodological contribution of Jan Vansina was to demonstrate that oral traditions could be studied historically rather than dismissed simply as folklore. In his works Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Method and later Oral Tradition as History, Vansina showed that orally transmitted material has its own structures of preservation, transformation and transmission, and that the historian must reconstruct these processes before using such material. The distinction matters. If an eighty-year-old person tells me what he saw in 1950, I am dealing principally with personal memory. If he tells me what his grandfather told him about 1857, I am dealing with transmitted memory. If an entire community possesses a song about 1857 which has passed through several generations, I have entered the domain of oral tradition. All three can be historically important, but they cannot be handled in precisely the same way.

Memory, Archive and the Limits of Documentation

The greatest misunderstanding concerning oral history arises when memory is treated as if it were an imperfect recording device. We ask whether the witness has remembered the event correctly, as though somewhere inside the human mind there existed a film of the past which has either survived intact or become damaged. Memory does not work like that. Human beings continuously reinterpret their past. An event experienced at the age of twenty may acquire a completely different meaning when remembered at seventy. Subsequent political events, family experiences, reading, conversations and public commemorations may alter the way an individual remembers the original experience. This does not make memory historically useless; quite the opposite. Sometimes what people remember about an event may be as historically significant as the event itself.

Suppose the documentary evidence establishes that a particular incident involved twenty people, while local memory insists that hundreds participated. The simplest historical response would be to say that memory is wrong. But the oral historian asks another question: why did this relatively small incident become so enormous in collective memory? Conversely, something extensively documented by the state may disappear almost completely from popular memory, and that silence too requires explanation. Memory therefore possesses two historical dimensions. It can provide information about the past, but it can also tell us how the past continued to live afterwards. This is why oral history becomes particularly important when we move away from rulers, governments and institutions towards ordinary people.

Archives are indispensable, but archives are not innocent. They preserve what institutions considered worth recording. Governments generated documents because they needed to collect revenue, administer territory, settle disputes, punish crime, conduct diplomacy and maintain political control. Colonialism produced particularly enormous archives precisely because colonial states possessed an extraordinary appetite for information. Yet the abundance of documentation can create an illusion. The peasant appears frequently in colonial records, but usually because somebody else is writing about him. The tribal community appears when an administrator seeks to classify it. Workers enter the archive during a strike. Women often appear when questions of marriage, inheritance, crime or social regulation bring them before administrative institutions. The archive speaks extensively about people who seldom had the opportunity to speak for themselves.

This recognition contributed enormously to the development of oral history internationally. Historians of labour, women’s history, African history, migration and popular politics increasingly realised that many of their subjects had left limited written records. The tape recorder, and later digital recording, opened another archive: the archive of living memory. This was also the insight which eventually attracted several Indian historians, among whom Lal Bahadur Verma deserves much greater recognition than he has generally received.

Lal Bahadur Verma and the People’s Past

Lal Bahadur Verma was an unusual historian. He was a scholar of European history, but his intellectual interests extended far beyond Europe. He was a teacher, writer, translator, editor and public intellectual. His books included Europe ka Itihās, Vishva Itihās ki Jhalak, Itihās ke Bāre Mein, Itihās: Kyon, Kya, Kaise, Adhūri Krāntiyon ka Itihāsbodh, Congress ke Sau Sāl, Bhārat ki Jankathā and Mānav Muktikathā. He translated important works of world history into Hindi, including Eric Hobsbawm’s The Age of Revolution. Contemporary accounts of his intellectual life repeatedly emphasise the importance he attached to itihāsbodh, historical consciousness.

Before I turn to his ideas, I should make a personal confession. I am a student of Medieval Indian History, and oral history cannot be applied to that field in the same direct manner. I cannot interview a thirteenth-century chronicler or a sixteenth-century peasant. Yet Verma’s ideas have influenced me deeply, because they force us to ask who is absent from our sources and how historical consciousness is formed. I first met Lal Bahadur Verma in Nainital years ago, during a conference. It was a brief meeting, but it left an impression. I met him again at Allahabad, once more during a conference, and those conversations strengthened my sense that history belongs to people and not only to institutions.

This expression, itihāsbodh, is crucial for understanding him. Verma was interested not merely in history as something professionally produced inside universities. He was interested in the relationship between people and their past. History had to become part of public consciousness. Ordinary people were not simply the objects about whom historians wrote; they were themselves makers of history and possessors of historical memory. This brought him naturally towards what we may call jan-itihās, people’s history. And once the historian begins looking for the jan, a methodological problem immediately arises. Where are the people in our sources? They certainly appear in official records, but they usually appear through the language of administrators, policemen, magistrates, revenue officials or political leaders. If we want to understand their own experience, we must sometimes move outside the conventional archive. Verma did precisely that.

One of Verma’s most significant interventions came from his work on the freedom struggle in Allahabad. Allahabad occupies an extraordinary place in the history of Indian nationalism. It was associated with the Nehru family, Anand Bhavan, Congress politics and some of the most important developments in the national movement. The documentary archive is consequently enormous, and the city possesses abundant records concerning political leaders and organisations. But Verma asked a different question. What about the ordinary people of Allahabad who participated in the freedom struggle? What did nationalism look like from the mohalla rather than Anand Bhavan? What did the movement mean to the student who joined a procession, the shopkeeper who closed his shop, the woman who sheltered an activist, the worker who attended a meeting or the unknown volunteer who carried a message from one locality to another? These people had made history, but many had not written memoirs. Verma therefore turned towards their memories.

His intervention entered the professional forum of Indian historians very clearly at the 54th Session of the Indian History Congress in 1993. The Proceedings of the Indian History Congress of that year record his paper under the title “Significance of Oral History: Allahabad during Freedom Struggle.” The title itself is revealing. Verma was not merely presenting some additional information about Allahabad; he was making a methodological argument about the significance of oral history. His larger work on the popular role in the freedom movement similarly attempted to recover precisely those historical actors who disappear when nationalism is narrated principally through organisations and celebrated leaders. This is what I mean by Verma’s attempt at recovering the people’s past.

There is an important difference between writing a history of the freedom movement and writing a history of people’s participation in the freedom movement. The first may be constructed through resolutions of the Congress, speeches of Gandhi and Nehru, government correspondence, intelligence reports, newspapers and political organisations. The second requires us to ask what happened when these movements entered ordinary life. How was a hartal organised in a particular neighbourhood? Who persuaded shopkeepers to close their shops? How did news travel into villages? Who made food for activists? Who carried messages? Where did underground workers sleep? What happened to the families of those arrested? What songs were sung? What rumours circulated? Suddenly the scale of history changes, and when the scale changes, the sources must change as well.

Verma’s contribution lay precisely in recognising this relationship between historical subject and historical source. If we wish to recover the people’s past, we cannot depend exclusively upon documents produced by institutions which governed those people. There is a useful observation attributed to Verma in a study of Muslim women in the United Provinces: history as text may not always survive, but history as memory remains embedded within society. The same discussion cites his Understanding History and his insistence upon an extraordinarily wide conception of historical sources, encompassing archaeology, oral traditions, myths, legends, folklore, official and private documents, newspapers and private papers. This is an important methodological statement, because it means that oral history should not be isolated from other forms of evidence. It belongs within an enlarged conception of the historical archive.

This brings us again to Verma’s concept of itihāsbodh. Historical consciousness is something larger than historical knowledge. A person may know hundreds of dates and possess very little historical consciousness. Itihāsbodh requires an awareness that our present has been historically produced, that institutions have histories, that social relationships change and that ordinary human beings participate in that process of change. Verma’s historical writing repeatedly attempted to communicate this idea outside the narrow circle of professional historians. This explains his extensive writing in Hindi, his translations and the accessible style of works such as Itihās: Kyon, Kya, Kaise. It also explains titles such as Bhārat ki Jankathā and Mānav Muktikathā. The language is significant; it is the kathā of people, humanity and liberation. For Verma, therefore, oral history was not merely a new technique involving a microphone and an interview schedule. It belonged to a democratic conception of historical knowledge. People who had made history had some claim to participate in its telling.

Indian Historians and the Turn to Oral History

Verma was not alone in turning towards oral testimony. Several Indian historians, working in different fields and from different intellectual traditions, have recognised that the conventional archive cannot by itself recover the experiences of ordinary people. Their work has collectively established oral history as a legitimate and indeed indispensable method within Indian historiography.

Feminist Oral History and the Recovery of Women’s Voices

Perhaps the most sustained engagement with oral history in India has come from feminist historians. The Indian women’s movement of the 1970s and 1980s generated a profound dissatisfaction with existing sources. Women appeared in colonial records primarily when they were the objects of social regulation, and their own voices were rarely preserved. Feminist historians therefore turned to oral testimony as a way of recovering women’s experiences, agency and consciousness. As Medha Kotwal Lele has observed, women historians across the world realised that women’s voices needed to be heard in order to bring forth the layered and complex understanding of events in history. The post-independence feminist movement in India led to the creation of alternative sources of knowledge, and spaces emerged in the 1980s and 1990s to house these resources.

The Aalochana Centre for Documentation and Research on Women, established in Pune in 1989, was one of the earliest institutional efforts to document women’s lives through oral history. Its first oral history project using the interview method focused on Ganguratai Patwardhan in 1990, and the Centre has since recorded the testimonies of numerous women whose lives would otherwise have left no trace in the formal archive. Similarly, the Sound and Picture Archives for Research on Women (SPARROW), founded in Mumbai in 1988, built a national archive for women with print, oral history and pictorial material. These institutions represent a recognition that if women’s history was to be written, new archives had to be created.

Urvashi Butalia’s The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India remains one of the most powerful examples of feminist oral history. Butalia listened to women, children, Dalits and families whose experiences of Partition had been excluded from the high politics of constitutional negotiations and boundary commissions. Her work demonstrated that the history of Partition could not be written adequately without attending to the testimonies of those who lived through it. Ritu Menon and Kamla Bhasin‘s Borders & Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition similarly used oral testimony to recover gendered experiences that official documents frequently concealed, particularly the abduction and recovery of women during the violence of 1947.

Uma Chakravarti, a distinguished historian of Buddhism, caste and gender, has more recently been documenting the history of feminist activism in India through an oral archive of videotaped interviews and through film-making. Her Fragments of a Past (2010) on the activist Mythily Sivaraman powerfully explores the themes of personal and historical memory. For Chakravarti, documenting the life histories of feminist activists is itself a form of activist oral history, one that can inform and sustain cross-generational and contemporary forms of feminist activism. This is an important insight. Oral history here is not merely a method of recovering the past; it is a resource for political and intellectual work in the present.

Oral History and Partition Studies

Partition has been the single most productive field for oral history in India. For many years the history of Partition was written largely as high politics. Historians studied the Muslim League, the Congress, British policy, Mountbatten, Jinnah, Nehru, Patel, constitutional negotiations and the transfer of power. All of this was necessary, but the millions who actually experienced Partition remained absent from the narrative. The conventional archive could tell us how many refugees crossed a border; oral history could sometimes tell us what it felt like to cross it.

Sucheta Mahajan of Jawaharlal Nehru University has been a leading advocate of oral history in the field of contemporary Indian history. Her article “Beyond the Archives: Doing Oral History in Contemporary India,” published in Studies in History in 2011, directly addresses the methodological and ethical issues involved in extending the historian’s source base beyond the conventional archive. Mahajan has also been closely associated with oral history initiatives on the freedom movement and Partition, exploring how testimony can illuminate aspects of the national movement that documentary sources cannot reach. Her work emphasises that oral history is not simply about adding new information; it is about transforming the way we understand the relationship between past and present.

The 1947 Partition Archive, founded by Guneeta Singh Bhalla in 2010, represents a different model of oral history practice. This community-driven initiative has documented more than 12,500 testimonies from witnesses and survivors across the subcontinent and its diaspora. The Archive collects, preserves and makes available the life stories of ordinary people whose experiences of Partition would otherwise be lost. While some historians have raised methodological questions about the Archive’s approach, its sheer scale and its commitment to public accessibility have made it an important resource for both scholars and the wider public. The Archive demonstrates that oral history can be a democratising practice, one that allows communities to participate in the preservation of their own histories.

Gyanendra Pandey‘s Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India pushed the methodological problem still further. Pandey asked how violence itself could be written historically when testimony was fragmented, painful and sometimes silent. He demonstrated that silence itself could be historical evidence. Sometimes an interviewee’s refusal to speak, or the gaps in a narrative, reveal more about the trauma of Partition than any explicit account could. This is a crucial insight for oral historians. The task is not simply to collect stories but to attend to what is not said, to the pauses and the omissions that carry their own historical weight.

Anindya Raychaudhuri‘s work on Indian Muslim voices and the 1947 Partition has also contributed to the growing field of Partition oral history, demonstrating how oral testimony can illuminate the experiences of communities whose histories have been marginalised in both Indian and Pakistani national narratives. Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali Zamindar‘s The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia combines oral history with archival research to trace how refugees and migrants negotiated the transition from empire to nation-state. Uditi Sen has similarly combined oral history with archival records to trace how subaltern groups, including widowed women, Dalit refugees and indigenous Andamanese tribes, negotiated state policy and the transition to nationhood.

Dalit and Bahujan Oral Histories

One of the most exciting developments in recent Indian historiography has been the use of oral history to recover Dalit and Bahujan pasts. Badri Narayan, a social historian and cultural anthropologist at Jawaharlal Nehru University, has been a pioneer in this field. One of his major contributions has been to invent new sources for writing history, such as folklores, songs, pamphlets, myths, memories and interviews. His work on the making of the Dalit public in North India uses alternative sources alive in the oral tradition and collective memory of the oppressed and marginalised to explain the contemporary history of Dalit mobilisation.

Narayan’s political biography of Kanshi Ram, the founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party, draws on myriad oral and written sources to illuminate how Kanshi Ram roused Dalits’ self-respect with his homespun idiom and cycle rallies. This is oral history in the service of a broader project: the recovery of Dalit agency and the reconstruction of a political tradition that the conventional archive has largely ignored. Narayan’s work demonstrates that oral history is not only a method for recovering the past; it can also be a resource for understanding contemporary political consciousness.

The work of Gail Omvedt, an American-born scholar who became a foundational pillar of India’s Dalit-Bahujan movement, also deserves mention. Omvedt immersed herself in the philosophies of Phule, Ambedkar and Marx, travelling through villages and connecting with people working with the Dalit-Bahujan and non-Brahmin movements. While her primary method was not oral history in the strict sense, her engagement with grassroots movements and her attention to the voices of ordinary people reflected a similar commitment to recovering histories from below.

Oral History and Labour

Labour history in India has also been enriched by oral history. Chitra Joshi, formerly of Indraprastha College, University of Delhi, has used sources beyond the official archive, including oral narratives and popular literature, to reconstruct the lives and struggles of workers. Her work demonstrates that the history of labour cannot be written adequately from trade union records alone. The experiences of workers, their forms of organisation, their cultures of resistance and their everyday lives require oral testimony if they are to be recovered.

Kanchi Venugopal Reddy of Pondicherry University conducted oral interviews with more than thirty labourers and labour organisers in different locations of the Madras Presidency as part of his research on industrial labourers and their participation in India’s struggle for freedom. This kind of fieldwork is labour-intensive and often goes unacknowledged in the discipline, but it is essential if we are to understand how the national movement was experienced by those at the bottom of the social and economic hierarchy.

Oral History and Adivasi Communities

The histories of Adivasi communities offer perhaps the clearest example of why oral history and oral tradition matter. These communities have often been represented in colonial and post-colonial archives only through the categories imposed upon them by administrators, anthropologists and state officials. Their own histories, preserved in songs, stories, genealogies and memories, have rarely entered the written record.

Ezra Rashkow, a scholar of modern South Asian history and environmental history, has collected oral histories of Bhil, Gond, Baiga, Kurku and other Adivasi communities facing conservation- and development-induced displacement in western and central India. He situates these oral histories in dialogue with the colonial archive, anthropological accounts and activist engagements with these communities’ histories. This approach is methodologically sophisticated. It does not treat oral testimony as a simple supplement to the written record but as a distinct and equally valid form of historical knowledge.

Nandini Oza‘s An Oral History of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, based on interviews with Adivasi leaders Keshavbhav and Kevalsing Vasave, demonstrates how oral history can document resistance movements that have received limited attention in the formal archive. The Narmada Bachao Andolan was one of the most significant social movements in post-independence India, and oral history has been essential to recovering its internal dynamics, its grassroots leadership and the experiences of those displaced by large dams.

Nationalist historians drew on folk songs and legends about figures like Birsa Munda and Sidhu Murmu to construct narratives of anticolonial resistance. While these early efforts were not always methodologically rigorous, they established a precedent for using oral tradition as a source for Adivasi history. The challenge for contemporary historians is to build on this precedent while applying the rigorous source criticism that oral history demands.

Institutionalising Oral History

Indira Chowdhury has played a crucial role in moving oral history in India from occasional individual experimentation towards a more self-conscious field of historical practice. Her research on science and scientific institutions demonstrated that oral testimony could illuminate institutional cultures that were poorly represented in formal archives. Her work has also addressed the conceptual relationship between oral traditions, contemporary history, event, memory and experience. When Verma advocated oral history, the method still needed to defend its legitimacy within mainstream historical practice. By the time a later generation of historians developed institutional oral-history projects, the question had changed. The problem was increasingly how interviews should be recorded, catalogued, archived, preserved and made available for future research. Oral history itself had begun producing archives, and there is a certain irony here; a methodology which originally challenged the authority of the archive eventually created new archives of its own.

The work of the Archives on Contemporary History at Jawaharlal Nehru University, which Sucheta Mahajan chaired from 2007 to 2011, represents another institutional effort to collect and preserve oral testimony. These initiatives have ensured that oral history in India is not merely a matter of individual scholarship but an organised and cumulative enterprise, with its own archives, methodologies and standards of practice.

Reliability, Ethics and the Digital Archive

Students inevitably ask whether we can trust oral history. My answer would be another question. Can we trust a Persian chronicle? Can we trust a colonial revenue report? Can we trust a newspaper? Can we trust an autobiography? The historian does not trust sources; the historian interrogates them. Suppose three people remember the same demonstration differently. That does not necessarily mean that oral history has failed. It may reveal that different groups experienced the same event differently. The historian must nevertheless apply rigorous source criticism. The age of the interviewee matters. The date of the event matters. The interval between experience and recollection matters. Leading questions must be avoided. Whenever possible, testimony should be compared with contemporary documents and other interviews. The historian must distinguish between what the witness personally experienced and what the witness subsequently heard. Above all, we must resist the temptation to romanticise the voice of the ordinary person. The subaltern can misremember too. Memory does not become accurate merely because the speaker belongs to a marginalised group. Oral history democratises the archive; it does not abolish historical criticism.

India offers extraordinary possibilities for oral history and oral tradition. Consider 1857. Official reports, military correspondence, proclamations, court records and contemporary newspapers provide enormous evidence, but alongside them survive family traditions, village memories, songs and stories about local participants. Some may contain historically verifiable information; others may have transformed dramatically over generations. Both remain interesting. The historian must ask how a rebel remembered in 1857 became a hero in 1957, and perhaps a different kind of hero in 2007. The same is true of tribal histories, regional traditions, pilgrimage centres, local shrines and memories of migration. Here oral tradition becomes particularly important because the absence of writing should never be confused with the absence of history. This was one of the points that Lal Bahadur Verma repeatedly emphasised in advocating a wider conception of historical evidence.

There is another dimension of oral history which deserves attention. An interview is not simply a source waiting to be collected; it is an encounter between two human beings. The questions asked by the historian shape the testimony, and the age, gender, language and social position of the interviewer may influence what the interviewee is prepared to say. An elderly woman may tell a female researcher something she would never tell a young male researcher. A former political activist may construct his story differently for a historian whom he believes sympathetic to his politics. The historian is therefore present inside the creation of the source. This differs from entering an archive and opening a document written a hundred years ago. In oral history, we participate in producing the evidence that we subsequently analyse, and that imposes an ethical responsibility. Interviewees must understand what is being recorded, questions involving trauma require sensitivity and researchers must think carefully about consent, privacy and the future preservation of recordings. Oral history is therefore both historical method and human relationship.

Today the possibilities are greater than Verma could have imagined when he began advocating oral history. A mobile telephone can record an interview of remarkable quality. Digital storage allows thousands of hours of testimony to be preserved, and photographs, maps and documents can be connected with recorded recollections. Interviews can be indexed and searched, and artificial intelligence will undoubtedly transform this further. Speech can increasingly be transcribed automatically, and large collections of interviews can be searched for names, places and recurring themes. But technology cannot solve the fundamental historical problem. A machine can transcribe a pause; it cannot automatically tell us what that pause means. It can identify that a person mentioned Partition seventeen times; it cannot by itself explain why the eighteenth time the speaker suddenly became silent. Historical interpretation remains a human activity.

Recovering the People’s Past

We can now return to Lal Bahadur Verma. His importance in the development of oral history in India should neither be exaggerated nor underestimated. He was not the inventor of oral history in India. Anthropologists, folklorists, sociologists and historians had used oral testimony in different ways before him. Nor did he develop a theoretical literature comparable to Jan Vansina, Paul Thompson or Alessandro Portelli. His contribution was different. He understood relatively early that democratising the subject of history required democratising the sources of history. This is the central point. If peasants, workers, women, local activists, tribal communities and ordinary participants are to enter historical narratives, historians cannot depend exclusively upon archives created by states and elites.

Verma’s 1993 Indian History Congress paper, “Significance of Oral History: Allahabad during Freedom Struggle,” provides clear documentary evidence of his attempt to place this methodological issue before the professional community of Indian historians. But his contribution went beyond a single paper. His commitment to itihāsbodh, his writings in Hindi, his concern with jan-itihās, his interest in local history and his insistence upon widening the historian’s source base formed parts of the same intellectual enterprise. He wanted history to recover people, and he wanted people to recover history. There is an important difference between those two propositions. To recover people means writing ordinary men and women back into historical narratives. For people to recover history means enabling them to recognise that their own lives, families, neighbourhoods, workplaces and struggles possess histories worth preserving. That is perhaps the most democratic possibility contained within oral history.

When Memory Becomes History

We may therefore return to the title with which we began. Memory does not automatically become history merely because somebody remembers something. It becomes historical evidence when the historian begins asking questions of it. Who remembers? What is remembered? What has been forgotten? When was the story first told? How has it changed? Can it be compared with documentary evidence? What does the manner of remembering reveal about the relationship between past and present? These questions transform recollection into historical inquiry.

Oral history therefore does not represent a rebellion against the archive. At its best, it represents an enlargement of the archive. The document and the memory should speak to each other. Sometimes they will agree. Sometimes they will contradict one another. And sometimes their disagreement will tell us more than either source could have told us independently. This is why the contribution of Lal Bahadur Verma deserves to be remembered. His concern with oral history arose from a larger intellectual commitment: the recovery of people’s agency within history and the cultivation of itihāsbodh outside the narrow confines of professional scholarship.

Shahid Amin‘s Event, Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura, 1922–1992 remains one of the finest Indian examples of the historical use of memory. Amin brought judicial records and other documentary evidence into conversation with interviews and local memories, asking what happened to Chauri Chaura after the event and how local memory interacted with the national memory of Gandhi and Non-Cooperation. His work demonstrated that oral history could be something more than the recovery of missing information; it could become a history of memory itself.

Partition scholars such as Urvashi Butalia, Ritu Menon and Kamla Bhasin demonstrated how testimony could recover experiences that political narratives had concealed. Gyanendra Pandey taught us to take seriously even the silences surrounding traumatic memory. Sucheta Mahajan has insisted that oral history belongs within the practice of contemporary Indian history, not as a supplement but as a central method. Indira Chowdhury helped institutionalise oral history and extend it into the history of science, institutions and public history. Badri Narayan has shown how oral tradition and collective memory can illuminate Dalit politics and consciousness. Uma Chakravarti has used oral history to document feminist activism, creating an archive for future generations. Ezra Rashkow has collected Adivasi oral histories and placed them in dialogue with the colonial archive. Chitra Joshi and Kanchi Venugopal Reddy have used oral testimony to recover the histories of labour.

But Verma occupies a distinctive position within this larger Indian genealogy. His starting point was the jan. The people were not simply crowds appearing occasionally in somebody else’s archive. They possessed memories, experiences and historical consciousness of their own. To listen to them was not an act of generosity on the historian’s part; it was a historical necessity.

Conclusion

And perhaps this is the thought with which I should end. Every generation leaves behind documents, monuments and material remains. But it also leaves memories. Documents may enter archives. Buildings may become monuments. Objects may enter museums. Memories have a more fragile existence. When the person carrying them disappears, an entire archive may disappear with that person. The oral historian therefore sometimes works against time. An elderly freedom fighter dies, and a particular memory of the national movement disappears. A Partition survivor passes away, and the remembered geography of a village across the border may disappear with her. An artisan dies without transmitting his knowledge, and a technological tradition extending across generations can vanish. A woman who witnessed an event but never appeared in an official document takes with her a history which no archive may ever recover.

Lal Bahadur Verma understood the importance of listening before those voices disappeared. So did the feminist historians who created Aalochana and SPARROW. So did Butalia and Menon and Bhasin when they sat down with Partition survivors. So did Badri Narayan when he collected the songs and stories of Dalit communities. So did Sucheta Mahajan when she insisted that oral history belonged within the professional practice of Indian historians. That is why oral history matters. It reminds us that history does not survive only in archives. Sometimes the archive is sitting before us. Sometimes it speaks. And the historian must learn to listen.

Essential Reading List

The following list is intended for students, teachers and researchers who wish to pursue the study of oral history and oral traditions in greater depth. It is organised thematically and includes both foundational theoretical works and significant contributions from Indian historiography.

Foundational Works in Oral History Theory and Method

Abrams, Lynn. Oral History Theory. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.

Portelli, Alessandro. The Battle of Valle Giulia: Oral History and the Art of Dialogue. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1997. Portelli reflects on how to connect personal memories with history and how to fittingly collect and represent the complexity of memory, drawing on interviews with Italian steelworkers, Kentucky coal miners, veterans, refugees and student protesters .

Portelli, Alessandro. The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991. A foundational work offering a new and challenging approach to oral history from an interdisciplinary and multicultural perspective, examining cultural conflict and communication between social groups and classes in industrial societies .

Portelli, Alessandro. They Say in Harlan County: An Oral History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. The culmination of more than thirty-five years of interaction between one of the most influential writers on oral history and memory and the people of Harlan County, Kentucky, weaving together dozens of individual narratives .

Ritchie, Donald A. Doing Oral History. 3rd ed. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

Thompson, Paul, with Joanna Bornat. The Voice of the Past: Oral History. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.

Vansina, Jan. Oral Tradition as History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985.

Vansina, Jan. Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965.

Key Theorists and Practitioners

Clark, Mary Marshall. “Case Study: Field Notes on Catastrophe: Reflections on the September 11, 2001, Oral History Memory and Narrative Project.” In The Oxford Handbook of Oral History, edited by Donald A. Ritchie. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. Clark, director of the Columbia University Oral History Research Office and co-founder of its Oral History Master of Arts programme, reflects on the methodological and ethical challenges of documenting catastrophe through oral history .

Clark, Mary Marshall, Peter Bearman, Catherine Ellis, and Stephen Drury Smith, eds. After the Fall: New Yorkers Remember September 2001 and the Years That Followed. New York: New Press, 2011. A landmark volume of oral history in which Columbia’s Oral History Research Office deployed interviewers across New York City to collect accounts from first-responders, taxi drivers, school teachers, artists, religious leaders, immigrants and others, producing a deep and revealing look at how the attacks changed individual lives and communities .

Aras, Ramazan, Douglas Boyd, Mary Marshall Clark, Mehmet Kurt, S. Mohammad Mohaqqeq, Claudia P. González Perez, and Lucine Taminian. Documenting and Interpreting Conflict through Oral History: A Working Guide. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. A human rights publication co-produced by Columbia University and the American Institute for Research in Iraq, offering practical guidance on oral history in conflict zones .

Sinclair, Sara, Mary Marshall Clark, and Peter Bearman, eds. Robert Rauschenberg: An Oral History. New York: Columbia University Press, 2019. A model of institutional and artistic oral history, drawing on interviews with the artist’s collaborators, friends and contemporaries .

Oral History and Indian Historiography

Amin, Shahid. Event, Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura, 1922–1992. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.

Butalia, Urvashi. The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1998.

Chowdhury, Indira. “Memory, Orality and Learning: Reflections of an Oral Historian.” Studies in History 41, no. 1 (2025): 1–18.

Joshi, Chitra. Lost Worlds: Indian Labour and Its Forgotten Histories. New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003.

Mahajan, Sucheta. “Beyond the Archives: Doing Oral History in Contemporary India.” Studies in History 27, no. 2 (2011): 281–298.

Menon, Ritu, and Kamla Bhasin. Borders & Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1998.

Narayan, Badri. The Making of the Dalit Public in North India: Uttar Pradesh, 1950–Present. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Pandey, Gyanendra. Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Rashkow, Ezra. “Dispossessing Memory: Adivasi Oral Histories from the Margins of Pachmarhi Biosphere Reserve, Central India.” In Memory, Identity and the Colonial Encounter in India: Essays in Honour of Peter Robb, edited by Ezra Rashkow, Sanjukta Ghosh and Upal Chakrabarti. London: Routledge, 2017.

Oral History and Partition

Butalia, Urvashi. The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India. Durham: Duke University Press, 2000.

Chawla, Devika. Home, Uprooted: Oral Histories of India’s Partition. New York: Fordham University Press, 2014.

Menon, Ritu, and Kamla Bhasin. Borders & Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998.

Pandey, Gyanendra. Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Raychaudhuri, Anindya. Narrating South Asian Partition: Oral History, Literature, Cinema. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2019.

Zamindar, Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali. The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories. New York: Columbia University Press, 2007.

Oral History and Dalit Studies

Narayan, Badri. Women Heroes and Dalit Assertion in North India: Culture, Identity and Politics. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2006.

Narayan, Badri. The Making of the Dalit Public in North India: Uttar Pradesh, 1950–Present. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Omvedt, Gail. Dalit Visions: The Anti-Caste Movement and the Construction of an Indian Identity. New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1995.

Oral History and Adivasi Studies

Oza, Nandini. An Oral History of the Narmada Bachao Andolan. New Delhi: Routledge, 2021.

Rashkow, Ezra. “Dispossessing Memory: Adivasi Oral Histories from the Margins of Pachmarhi Biosphere Reserve, Central India.” In Memory, Identity and the Colonial Encounter in India, edited by Ezra Rashkow, Sanjukta Ghosh and Upal Chakrabarti. London: Routledge, 2017.

Oral History and Labour

Joshi, Chitra. Lost Worlds: Indian Labour and Its Forgotten Histories. New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003.

Reddy, Kanchi Venugopal. Industrial Labour and the National Movement in the Madras Presidency. Unpublished doctoral thesis, Pondicherry University.

Oral History and Gender

Chakravarti, Uma. Fragments of a Past: A Memoir. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2010.

Kotwal Lele, Medha. “Oral History: Telling Our Stories from India.” La Lettre de l’IRMC (2025).

Srigley, Katrina, Stacey Zembrzycki, and Franca Iacovetta, eds. Beyond Women’s Words: Feminisms and the Practices of Oral History in the Twenty-First Century. London: Routledge, 2018.

Oral History and the History of Science and Institutions

Chowdhury, Indira. “A Historian among Scientists: Reflections on Archiving the History of Science in Postcolonial India.” Isis 104, no. 2 (2013): 371–380.

Oral Tradition and Folklore

Beck, Brenda E. F., Peter J. Claus, Praphulladatta Goswami, and Jawaharlal Handoo, eds. Folklore of India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.

Blackburn, Stuart H., Peter J. Claus, Joyce B. Flueckiger, and Susan S. Wadley, eds. Oral Epics in India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.

Oral History and Memory Studies

Pandey, Gyanendra. Routine Violence: Nations, Fragments, Histories. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006.

Novetzke, Christian Lee. History, Bhakti, and Public Memory: Namdev in Religious and Secular Traditions. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.

Reference Works and Guides

Perks, Robert, and Alistair Thomson, eds. The Oral History Reader. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2015.

Ritchie, Donald A., ed. The Oxford Handbook of Oral History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

MacKay, Nancy. Curating Oral History: From Interview to Archive. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.

Indian History Congress Papers

Verma, Lal Bahadur. “Significance of Oral History: Allahabad during Freedom Struggle.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 54 (1993).

Notes on the Reading List

The works listed above represent a comprehensive introduction to the field. Students new to oral history should begin with Thompson’s The Voice of the Past and Vansina’s Oral Tradition as History for theoretical grounding, and with the works of Portelli and Clark for a sense of the method’s range and ethical depth, before turning to the Indian works. Those interested in specific themes such as Partition, Dalit history or labour history will find the thematic sections particularly useful. Researchers planning to conduct their own oral history projects should consult the practical guides by Ritchie and MacKay alongside the more theoretical works. The list is by no means exhaustive, but it provides a solid foundation for further exploration of this vital and expanding field.

Dāstāngoi: The Art of an Unending Tale: Its Origins, Evolution and Revival

Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi

Recently, at a seminar organised by Janki Devi Memorial College at the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi, I witnessed a demonstration of Dāstāngoi by Ms Poonam Girdhani and Ms Amina Sayed. With little more than their voices, expressions and occasional gestures, the two performers held the audience spellbound. There were no elaborate costumes, stage settings or theatrical devices. Yet characters came alive, situations unfolded and an entire imaginary world emerged before us. The experience recalled a once-flourishing tradition of oral storytelling that, after nearly disappearing from public life, has found a new audience in contemporary India.

Storytelling is perhaps as old as human civilisation itself. Long before people began recording their experiences in writing, stories served as repositories of memory, imagination and collective wisdom. They preserved accounts of heroes and rulers, celebrated love and courage, explained the inexplicable and entertained successive generations. Among the many traditions that developed across the world, Dāstāngoi acquired a distinctive character in the Persian-speaking lands and subsequently in India, where it became an important part of Indo-Persian and Urdu literary culture. To understand its development in the subcontinent, however, we must look beyond its Persian ancestry and recognise the rich indigenous traditions of narration with which it came into contact.

The term Dāstāngoi combines two Persian words: dāstān, meaning a tale, and gūʾī, meaning narration. But the dāstān, as it developed into a distinct performative tradition, was no ordinary story. Its most remarkable feature was its open-ended character. Unlike a conventional narrative proceeding towards a predetermined conclusion, a dāstān could be extended almost indefinitely. New characters might enter, fresh adventures could be invented, earlier episodes modified and unexpected twists introduced according to the imagination of the storyteller and the response of his listeners. One story could generate another, which in turn might lead to several more. There was no necessary finality to the narrative.

The dāstāngo was therefore much more than a narrator. He was also an improviser and, in a sense, a creator who continually reshaped inherited material. A battle might be prolonged, a romance elaborated, a magical encounter transformed or an entirely new episode inserted without disturbing the larger narrative. The audience also played its part, for its reactions could influence the pace, emphasis and direction of the performance. Dāstāngoi was thus a living art in which the tale was never entirely finished. Its appeal lay as much in the manner of telling as in what was being told.

The roots of this tradition can be traced to the heroic and romantic narratives of Iran and the wider Persian-speaking world. Professional storytellers entertained audiences in royal courts, marketplaces, caravanserais and public gatherings. Their repertoire included accounts of legendary kings, warriors, lovers and supernatural beings. These narratives travelled across regions, absorbing local beliefs, customs and imaginative traditions along the way. But it would be misleading to regard Dāstāngoi as an exclusively Persian cultural import that took root in an otherwise unfamiliar environment. India already possessed a remarkably rich tradition of oral storytelling, extending from the great epics and the Kathāsaritsāgara to regional kathās, heroic ballads and romantic narratives. Many shared with the Persian dāstān a fondness for elaborate adventures, supernatural encounters, stories within stories and the freedom to expand a narrative through digression and improvisation. The kathavāchak, much like the dāstāngo, depended upon memory, verbal skill and an intimate relationship with his listeners.

Particularly significant was the medieval premakhyān tradition, represented by Maulana Daud’s Chandāyan (1379), Qutban’s Mrigāvati (1503), Malik Muhammad Jayasi’s Padmāvat (1540) and Manjhan’s Madhumālati (1545). These works brought together conventions of Persian romance, Sufi ideas of love and spiritual fulfilment, and the languages, imagery and narrative traditions of North India. Their stories of separation, journeys, adventure and extraordinary encounters belonged to a cultural world in which Indian and Persian literary influences were already deeply intertwined. Although the premākhyans were generally verse romances, often possessing allegorical meanings, while the later Urdu dastans developed into expansive prose narratives, both reflected a common delight in imaginative storytelling.

The development of Dāstāngoi in India should therefore be understood not simply as the transplantation of a Persian literary form but as part of a wider process of cultural interaction. Its inherited narrative conventions encountered indigenous traditions that had long celebrated the storyteller’s freedom to elaborate, embellish and reinterpret. The precise extent of direct borrowing is not always possible to establish, but the result was unmistakably Indian in its language, imagery, humour and social references. By the time Dāstāngoi reached its fullest expression in the Urdu-speaking world of Delhi and Lucknow, it had become a distinctive product of the subcontinent’s shared literary culture.

Among the most celebrated narrative cycles was the Dāstān-e Amir Hamza, centred upon the adventures of a legendary hero associated with Hamza ibn Abd al-Muttalib, the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad. The resemblance, however, was largely nominal. The Amir Hamza of the dāstān inhabited a world far removed from historical reality, encountering sorcerers, demons, enchanted kingdoms and formidable adversaries. The narratives drew upon Iranian heroic legends, Islamic traditions and a wide range of popular stories. Their adaptability made them particularly suitable for an oral tradition in which each generation of storytellers could contribute something of its own.

With the spread of Persian literary culture under the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughals, these narratives found a receptive environment in India. Persian was not merely the language of administration and courtly correspondence; it was also a medium through which ideas, literary conventions and cultural practices circulated. The Indian subcontinent, with its own rich traditions of oral narration, provided opportunities for the older Persian tales to acquire new forms and meanings. The Mughal emperor Akbar appears to have been particularly fascinated by the adventures of Amir Hamza. Under his patronage, the celebrated illustrated Hamza Nāma was produced during the second half of the sixteenth century. This monumental undertaking, originally comprising approximately 1,400 paintings, was among the most ambitious artistic projects of the Mughal atelier. Its surviving illustrations depict battles, royal assemblies, fabulous creatures and extraordinary adventures, often with remarkable dramatic energy.

One of the most remarkable features of Akbar’s Hamza Nāma was the unusually large size of its illustrations, measuring approximately 69 by 54 centimetres. These paintings were not merely intended for private viewing or as decorative accompaniments to a manuscript. The surviving folios contain Persian narrative passages written on their reverse, corresponding to the episodes depicted on the front.

The arrangement itself is significant. While the audience viewed the illustration, the qissago could consult the written narrative behind it. Indeed, the paintings were sufficiently large for the storyteller to remain at least partially concealed behind them. The written passages provided the narrative framework, but the performance depended upon the storyteller’s ability to elaborate upon it, introduce dialogue, embellish descriptions and develop the episode in his own particular style. Thus, the same narrative material could acquire different dimensions in the hands of different storytellers.

The Hamza Nāma therefore represents something more than an extraordinary achievement of Mughal painting. It provides tangible evidence of the close relationship between the written word, pictorial representation and oral narration at Akbar’s court. The Persian passages on the reverse of the paintings are surviving material evidence, not merely a conjectured feature of the performance. The precise manner in which individual storytellers handled and elaborated upon these passages cannot always be reconstructed, but the arrangement of the folios clearly demonstrates the relationship between image and narrative. The painter provided the visual setting, the written text supplied the substance of the episode, and the qissago transformed it into a living performance. In this sense, the Hamza Nāma also illustrates the open-ended character of the dāstān itself, in which an inherited narrative could continually be expanded and reshaped through the imagination and skill of the storyteller.

The Mughal Hamza Nāma, however, belonged to an earlier phase of the Hamza tradition and should not be confused with the elaborate Urdu Dāstāngoi that developed subsequently. It was during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that Dāstāngoi acquired its most distinctive Indian form. As Urdu emerged as a major language of literary expression, the older Persian narratives were increasingly recast in its idiom. Delhi became an important centre, but it was in Lucknow, particularly under the patronage of the rulers and aristocracy of Awadh, that the tradition reached an extraordinary level of refinement.

The decline of Mughal political authority did not mean the immediate disappearance of the cultural practices associated with the imperial court. Many found new patrons in the regional centres that emerged during the eighteenth century. Lucknow, with its cultivated urban society, elaborate etiquette and enthusiasm for poetry, music and conversation, offered particularly favourable conditions for Dāstāngoi. Here the storyteller’s command over language became as important as his narrative imagination.

The Lucknow dāstāngos developed a style rich in idiom, wit, poetic expression and elaborate description. They could evoke the splendour of a royal assembly, the confusion of a battlefield, the delicacy of a romantic encounter or the terrors of an enchanted palace with equal ease. Their narratives frequently moved between razm, the world of warfare and heroic combat, and bazm, the world of assemblies, festivities, romance and refined sociability. Equally important were tilism, the realm of magic and enchantment, and aiyyāri, the art of disguise, cunning and deception.

The aiyyār was among the most fascinating figures in these tales. Unlike the conventional hero who depended upon strength and martial prowess, the aiyyār relied upon intelligence, resourcefulness and the ability to assume different identities. He could outwit powerful enemies, penetrate guarded fortresses and overcome apparently impossible situations. Such characters introduced humour, suspense and unexpected reversals into the narrative. They also reflected an appreciation of wit and ingenuity within the cultural world of the dāstān.

Among the celebrated storytellers of nineteenth-century Lucknow was Mir Ahmad Ali, whose name became closely associated with the Hamza tradition. Muhammad Husain Jah and Sheikh Tasadduq Husain were among those who subsequently contributed to its literary elaboration. Their work coincided with the expansion of printing, which transformed the relationship between oral performance and the written text. The Naval Kishore Press of Lucknow played a particularly important role in preserving and disseminating these narratives. The enormous Dāstān-e Amir Hamza cycle eventually appeared in forty-six substantial volumes. Within this tradition, the Tilism-e Hoshruba achieved particular fame. Its enchanted world was inhabited by sorcerers, warriors, tricksters and extraordinary beings, all engaged in adventures that could continue almost without end.

The very size of these publications illustrates the essential character of the dāstān. Its expansion was not simply the result of excessive literary ornamentation. It arose from a narrative structure that permitted almost unlimited elaboration. Episodes could be inserted, characters multiplied and adventures prolonged without necessarily bringing the larger story closer to a conclusion. What might appear repetitive to a modern reader could, in an oral performance, become an opportunity for displaying the narrator’s ingenuity and verbal skill.

Interestingly, the imaginative world of the old Persian and Urdu dāstāns did not disappear altogether with the decline of professional storytelling. It continued to find expression in popular literature, cinema and eventually television. Many would remember the adventures of Hatim Tai, which were adapted for Indian television, including Dāstān-e-Hātimtai on Doordarshan and the popular Hātim, broadcast on Star Plus in 2003–04. Although the adventures of Hatim Tai belonged to a different narrative cycle from Tilism-e Hoshruba, both drew upon a common tradition of fabulous journeys, magical kingdoms, sorcerers, supernatural encounters and heroic adventures. The popularity of such productions demonstrated that the fascination with the world of the dāstān had survived, even though its traditional mode of oral performance had largely disappeared. What had once been conjured up through the voice and imagination of the dastango was now recreated through moving images and television special effects.

These tales also provide interesting insights into the cultural imagination of their times. Although their settings were frequently fantastic, descriptions of dress, food, architecture, weapons, ceremonies and social behaviour often reflected the world familiar to their North Indian audiences. The royal assemblies of imaginary kingdoms could resemble the refined gatherings of Lucknow, while the conversations of heroes and tricksters echoed contemporary manners of speech. The historian must naturally distinguish between literary imagination and historical evidence, but the dastans remain valuable for understanding social aspirations, aesthetic preferences and the ideals of conduct prevalent among their listeners.

Dāstāngoi was, above all, an art of performance. The successful dāstāngo required an exceptional memory, command over language, familiarity with poetry and an ability to change his voice and expression according to the demands of the narrative. He might narrate an episode with great solemnity, introduce humour through a sudden change of tone or prolong suspense by withholding the expected conclusion. The pleasure of the audience lay not merely in discovering what happened next, but in appreciating how the story unfolded.

In this respect, Dāstāngoi shared something with the mushaira, where verbal accomplishment and the response of the audience were central to the performance. Both belonged to a culture that valued eloquence, wit and the subtle possibilities of language. Dāstāngoi, however, was not confined to elite gatherings. Storytellers also performed in bazārs and other public spaces, enabling the tradition to reach audiences beyond the aristocracy. It was this interaction between courtly refinement and popular entertainment that gave the art much of its vitality.

By the late nineteenth century, however, the social and literary environment that had sustained Dāstāngoi was changing. The growth of print culture, the emergence of the modern Urdu novel and new expectations of realism gradually diminished the prestige of the older fantastic narratives. Literary reformers such as Muhammad Husain Azad and Altaf Husain Hali advocated different standards of expression, while changing forms of entertainment altered public tastes. The subsequent popularity of theatre, cinema and radio further reduced the space available to professional oral storytellers.

One of the last great representatives of the classical tradition was Mir Baqar Ali of Delhi, who died in 1928. With his passing, Dāstāngoi as a continuous professional tradition had effectively come to an end. Its enormous literary inheritance survived in printed volumes, but the art of performance, with its improvisation, dramatic timing and intimate relationship between narrator and audience, had largely disappeared.

Its revival in the early twenty-first century was therefore a significant cultural development. Much of the intellectual groundwork was laid by the distinguished Urdu scholar Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, whose pioneering studies of the Dāstān-e Amir Hamza and Tilism-e Hoshruba restored scholarly attention to a literary tradition that had long been neglected. Faruqi demonstrated that these narratives possessed their own aesthetic principles and should not be judged merely by the standards of the modern novel. His meticulous scholarship, including his work on the poetics of the dāstān, established the intellectual foundations upon which the performance tradition could be rebuilt. By treating these tales as worthy of serious literary analysis, he helped restore the cultural prestige of a form that had been dismissed as mere popular entertainment.

Building upon this scholarship, the modern performance tradition of Dāstāngoi was revived in 2005 by Mahmood Farooqui, in collaboration with Danish Husain, drawing upon the pioneering literary research of Shamsur Rahman Faruqi. The modern presentation frequently involves two narrators seated together, dressed simply, who alternate between narration, dialogue and dramatic expression. Although this form cannot be regarded as an exact reproduction of the older tradition, it retains its essential reliance upon the spoken word and the imaginative participation of the audience.

The revival has also demonstrated the adaptability of Dāstāngoi. Contemporary performers have moved beyond the adventures of Amir Hamza to explore historical events, literary works and present-day social concerns. In doing so, they have remained faithful to one of the fundamental characteristics of the tradition: its capacity to absorb new material and reshape itself according to changing circumstances. What was once a vehicle for narrating fantastic adventures can now also become a means of reflecting upon contemporary society.

The history of Dāstāngoi is particularly revealing when viewed against the wider background of India’s cultural development. Originating in Persian narrative traditions, drawing upon Islamic legends and Iranian heroic literature, flourishing under Mughal patronage and subsequently finding expression in Urdu, it exemplifies the continuous interaction of cultures that shaped the Indian subcontinent. Its language, imagery and social references were neither exclusively Persian nor simply Indian in origin. They emerged through a long process of borrowing, adaptation and creative transformation.

Such traditions remind us of the limitations of dividing India’s cultural past into rigid religious compartments. The world of Dāstāngoi was shaped by Persian, Arabic and Indian literary influences, while its audiences belonged to the shared urban culture of North India. Its history cannot be adequately understood through categories that treat Hindu and Muslim cultural experiences as separate and self-contained.

For the historian, Dāstāngoi also raises an important methodological question. Much of what we know about the past comes from written records, inscriptions, buildings and other surviving material remains. Yet oral traditions and performances were equally important in shaping how people understood their world. They preserved memories, communicated values and offered imaginative interpretations of social experience. The fact that many such traditions have disappeared makes their reconstruction difficult, but it does not diminish their historical significance.

The performance by Poonam Girdhani and Amina Sayed at the India Habitat Centre brought these reflections into focus. The world that had sustained the classical dastangos has largely vanished, and the modern auditorium is very different from the courtly assemblies and public gatherings of earlier centuries. Yet the essential attraction of the art survives. Two performers, with no elaborate theatrical apparatus, could still transport their listeners into another world through the power of narration.

Perhaps the most remarkable feature of Dāstāngoi is that it resists finality. The dāstān does not necessarily end when the narrator falls silent. Another episode may be imagined, another character introduced and another adventure begun. In this sense, the recent revival is itself a continuation of the old tradition, a new chapter in a story that has travelled across languages, regions and centuries. Dāstāngoi survives because its possibilities, like those of the human imagination, are never entirely exhausted.

Note: This essay is inspired by the talk delivered by Ms Poonam Girdhani which she delivered at the Janki Devi seminar held at India Habitat Centre.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: Recovering the Past, Reasoning with the Present, Educating for the Future

Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi

Every year in October we remember Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, and at Aligarh the occasion inevitably brings before us the founder of the institution which eventually became Aligarh Muslim University. We remember the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College, the Scientific Society, Tahzīb-ul Akhlāq, his advocacy of modern education and his struggle to persuade a community shaken by the catastrophe of 1857 that its future could not be secured by turning away from the new sciences and intellectual currents of the age. All this is deserved, yet there is another Sir Syed whom we have gradually allowed to recede from view.

Long before he became the great educationist of Aligarh, Sir Syed was a historian, an editor of historical texts, an epigraphist, a collector of antiquities and, I would argue, one of the earliest Indian practitioners of what we would today call ‘historical archaeology’. His concern with education and his fascination with the material remains of the past were not two unrelated phases of his life. They emerged from the same intellectual disposition. He wanted people to look at evidence, interrogate inherited assumptions and acquire the intellectual equipment necessary to understand both their past and their changing present.

That is the Sir Syed whom I wish particularly to remember. It is also necessary to recover him because Sir Syed has increasingly become the subject of two contrary but equally unhistorical tendencies. One converts him into an icon before whom ritual homage must be offered but whose writings need not necessarily be read. The other selects a few statements from a long and evolving intellectual life and attempts to make him responsible for political developments which occurred decades after his death. Between adulation and denunciation, the historical Sir Syed disappears. A historian’s tribute must be different. Sir Syed deserves neither a halo nor a charge-sheet prepared retrospectively from the politics of our own times. He deserves to be placed in his nineteenth-century world and read seriously.

A Man Born into One World and Forced to Enter Another

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was born in Delhi on 17 October 1817. The Delhi of his childhood still possessed a Mughal emperor, a courtly culture, an extraordinary world of Persian and Urdu learning, and families whose identities remained connected with the political and cultural structures of the old empire. Yet British power was already determining the material realities of northern India.

Sir Syed consequently belonged to a generation which witnessed not simply political change but the collapse of an intellectual universe. Persian lost its position in the colonial administration. New systems of law and education appeared. Print began transforming the circulation of knowledge. European scholarship introduced new methods of chronology, philology, numismatics and antiquarian investigation. Then came 1857, destroying much of the Delhi into which Sir Syed had been born. His intellectual life has to be understood against this background. He was not simply a Muslim intellectual confronting the West. He was an Indian scholar standing between two systems of knowledge, attempting, sometimes successfully and sometimes awkwardly, to understand what could be retained from one and what had to be learnt from the other. The important point is that he chose engagement rather than retreat. His later insistence upon modern education grew from this encounter, but so too did his historical scholarship.

Sir Syed as a Scholar of the Past

Before the Aligarh Movement acquired its institutional form, Sir Syed was already deeply involved with history. He engaged with some of the most important Persian historical texts of medieval India and helped bring historical material into print at precisely the moment when the older manuscript culture was becoming increasingly vulnerable. Apart from his celebrated edition of Abu’l Fazl’s Ā’īn-i Akbarī (1855), Sir Syed Ahmad Khan also edited two other important Persian historical texts: Ziyauddin Barani’s Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī (1862) and Emperor Jahangir’s memoirs, the Tuzuk-i Jahāngīrī (1864). These editorial undertakings testify to his significant, though often overlooked, contribution to the preservation and critical study of Indo-Persian historical sources.

Whatever reservations a modern textual editor may have about nineteenth-century editorial practices, the significance of making such works available in print should not be underestimated. A manuscript might exist in a few libraries or private collections and remain inaccessible to all but a handful of scholars. A printed edition could circulate throughout India and beyond.

His engagement with the Indo-Persian historical tradition was therefore not antiquarian nostalgia. It belonged to a much larger process through which the sources of medieval Indian history were being collected, compared, edited and transferred from manuscript to print. Sir Syed was associated with the publication or study of important Indo-Persian historical materials, including the Āʾīn-i Akbarī and texts connected with the Mughal historical tradition. His own Silsilat-ul-Mulūk represented another attempt to arrange India’s rulers within a chronological framework. There is an interesting symbolism here. Sir Syed was simultaneously attempting to preserve the documentary remains of an older intellectual world and preparing his contemporaries for a new one. But it was with Āsār-us-Sanādīd that his historical imagination took its most remarkable form.

Āsār-us-Sanādīd and the Monument as Historical Evidence

The first edition of Āsār-us-Sanādīd appeared in 1847, and a substantially revised edition followed in 1854. C. M. Naim has demonstrated how substantially the second differed from the first, to the extent that the two versions reveal the transformation of Sir Syed’s own intellectual method. To describe Āsār-us-Sanādīd merely as a history of Delhi would be inadequate. It was an attempt to create an archive of the historic city through its buildings, inscriptions, topography, personalities and memories. Modern scholarship has increasingly recognised the originality of this achievement. Mrinalini Rajagopalan has drawn attention to the extraordinary scale of Sir Syed’s documentation of Delhi and to the visual, chronological and comparative character of the project. This is important because it challenges the assumption that the supposedly scientific documentation of India’s architectural heritage was exclusively a product of European colonial scholarship.

Sir Syed served for a period at Fathpur Sikri during his early judicial career. His appointment there offered him an opportunity to encounter the architectural remains of Akbar’s former imperial capital at close quarters. His interventions at Anūptalāo and the structure beneath the Khwābgāh at Fathpur Sikri deserve particular attention. The case of Anūptalāo is especially interesting. The Archaeological Survey of India’s World Heritage Series: Fatehpur Sikri records that the tank was given a new floor in the 1840s, substantially reducing its original depth. This is precisely the period of Sir Syed’s association with Fathpur Sikri. During this period his office is said to have been in the chamber below Khwābgāh.

As mentioned below in this essay, Sir Syed’s remarkable effort to copy the inscriptions on the Qutb Minar, while suspended in a basket secured by ropes, demonstrates the extraordinary lengths to which he was prepared to go in obtaining first-hand epigraphic evidence. It also reflects his commitment to examining historical monuments directly rather than relying solely on received accounts.

He went to the monuments, examined them, measured them, copied their inscriptions and attempted to establish their chronology. He compared what survived on the ground with what written sources and traditions claimed about it. This is the point at which antiquarianism begins to move towards historical archaeology. The distinction is important. An antiquarian may admire an ancient building because it is old or beautiful. A historical archaeologist asks what the physical fabric of that building can tell us about the society which produced it. Once measurements, building materials, inscriptions, architectural sequences and artefacts are treated as independent historical evidence, the monument ceases merely to illustrate history. It becomes a source for writing history. Sir Syed was moving precisely in that direction.

Was Sir Syed a Plagiarist?

It is within this context that we should consider a recent discussion concerning an early manuscript collection of the inscriptions of Delhi associated with Hafizuddin and copied by Mirza Sangin Beg. Dr Ather Farouqui deserves our thanks for drawing wider attention to this important material. Whenever a manuscript or source of information hitherto neglected comes to light, historians have reason to be excited. New sources complicate what we thought we knew. They may confirm an established interpretation, modify it, or overturn it altogether.

We have repeatedly witnessed this in medieval Indian history. The study of the Waqāʾiʿ-i Ajmer helped M. Athar Ali reconsider the political circumstances surrounding Aurangzeb’s conflict with the Rathors and move the discussion beyond explanations which reduced imperial policy to religious animosity. Similarly, the recovery and publication of Abdus Sattar Lahori’s Majālis-i Jahāngīrī provided historians with a remarkable record of discussions at Jahangir’s court and opened new questions concerning imperial culture, religion and intellectual exchange. The sources were not, of course, literally new. They had existed all along. What was new was their entry into active historical scholarship. The Hafizuddin material deserves to be approached in the same spirit.

The manuscript takes us further back into the history of antiquarian activity in early nineteenth-century Delhi. Mirza Sangin Beg, who copied it, subsequently wrote Sair-ul-Manāzil. Later we encounter other attempts to collect Delhi’s inscriptions. Sultan Singh copied inscriptions for Munshi Muhammad Hasan, and a manuscript associated with that project survives in the Royal Asiatic Society and has been studied by Professor Chander Shekhar. Hafizuddin’s collection, therefore, was not unique. There were several collections and transcripts of inscriptions from Delhi’s monuments. This immediately suggests another question. Why were so many people copying inscriptions?

The answer is actually quite simple. Before photography became available as a routine instrument of archaeological documentation, copying was itself a means of recording. If an inscription on a mosque, tomb, gateway, pillar or minaret was to be preserved and communicated to somebody elsewhere, somebody had to copy it. It might be transcribed by hand, traced, drawn or reproduced by a calligrapher. The epigraphist’s notebook performed part of the function which photography would subsequently perform with far greater accuracy. This makes the allegation of plagiarism considerably more complicated.

An inscription is fundamentally different from an original passage of historical prose. The Persian inscription above a gateway does not become the intellectual property of the first antiquarian who copies it. If Hafizuddin copied an inscription, Sangin Beg copied it afterwards, Sultan Singh recorded it subsequently and Sir Syed copied it yet again, the similarity of their texts proves very little. They were all attempting to reproduce the same physical object. The real test must therefore be different.

We need to place the surviving collections side by side. If Sir Syed’s inscriptions reproduce Hafizuddin’s collection in precisely the same sequence, contain precisely the same omissions, repeat precisely the same errors and reproduce peculiar misreadings which could only have been inherited from the earlier copy, then we would possess serious evidence of textual dependence. If, moreover, Sir Syed included nothing which his supposed source had omitted and there were no independent evidence of his own fieldwork, one could reasonably suggest that he had simply reproduced an earlier collection. But what if the readings differ? What if Sir Syed corrects an earlier reading? What if he records an inscription which Hafizuddin missed? What if the earlier collection contains something which Sir Syed does not? What if his transcript reveals an attempt to reread the physical inscription rather than mechanically reproduce a manuscript? Most importantly, what if independent evidence demonstrates that Sir Syed himself went to the monuments and attempted to record what was actually there? Then we are dealing with something altogether different.

These are questions capable of being tested. What is now required is a proper comparative concordance of the epigraphic collections. Hafizuddin, Sangin Beg, Sultan Singh and Sir Syed should be placed alongside one another, inscription by inscription, and wherever possible compared with later Archaeological Survey readings and the surviving monuments themselves. Variants, omissions, additions and shared errors should be identified. Only then can relationships of dependence be established with confidence. That is how historians should settle the matter. Not by accusation and certainly not by reverence for Sir Syed, but by collation and evidence.

Sahbai, Sir Syed and the Collective Production of Knowledge

There is another problem with applying the modern accusation of plagiarism too casually to the scholarly world of early nineteenth-century Delhi. Knowledge was often produced collaboratively. Scholars, munshis, scribes, calligraphers, draughtsmen, assistants and local informants participated in collecting and transmitting information. Sir Syed himself does not conceal the assistance he received from Imam Bakhsh Sahbai. Hali’s Hayāt-i Jāved preserves the memory of Sahbai accompanying him during visits to the monuments. Sahbai assisted him in examining inscriptions and in the laborious work involved in surveying the remains scattered around Delhi. This was not a modern academic sitting alone at his desk and claiming another person’s research as his own. It was a scholarly workshop operating according to the conventions of its own age.

More importantly, the evidence for Sir Syed’s direct engagement with monuments cannot simply be dismissed. Perhaps the most revealing evidence is provided by those inscriptions which he could not even read. Among these were the ancient inscriptions on the Ashokan pillar. Sir Syed encountered characters outside his own linguistic and palaeographical competence, yet he attempted to reproduce them. His inability to decipher the script did not persuade him that the inscription could simply be ignored. There is something profoundly important in this. Sir Syed was effectively saying: I may not understand this evidence, but that does not make the evidence unimportant. Someone else may understand what I cannot. My responsibility is to record what survives. That is an archaeological instinct of a very high order.

It also complicates the plagiarism argument rather decisively. A man who physically records scripts he himself cannot decipher is plainly engaged in collecting primary evidence from monuments. That does not prove that he never consulted earlier collections. He almost certainly did, just as every serious historian consults predecessors. But consultation, comparison, collaboration and plagiarism are not interchangeable categories. The discovery of the Hafizuddin manuscript should therefore lead us towards a much more interesting historical question. Instead of searching for a culprit, we should reconstruct an epigraphic and archaeological community in pre-1857 Delhi. Hafizuddin, Sangin Beg, Sahbai, Sultan Singh, Syed Ahmad and their European associates belonged to overlapping networks concerned with Delhi’s antiquities. Information moved between manuscripts, inscriptions, personal observation, oral traditions, copies and institutional organisations. What we are seeing is not necessarily a succession of people stealing from one another. We may instead be witnessing the gradual creation of an archive of Delhi before photography and before the Archaeological Survey of India had been established. Within this larger process, Sir Syed’s achievement remains distinctive. He attempted to bring architecture, chronology, epigraphy, textual evidence, measurements, drawings and field observation together into a coherent historical description of the city. That is why Āsār-us-Sanādīd matters.

When a Brick Became a Historical Document

There is another aspect of Sir Syed’s archaeological work which deserves far greater attention because it demonstrates that his interests went considerably beyond impressive monuments and elegant inscriptions. He became actively associated with the Archaeological Society of Delhi and wrote a remarkable paper in Urdu on the dimensions of bricks belonging to different historical periods. A brick hardly possesses the grandeur of the Qutb Minar. Precisely for that reason, Sir Syed’s interest in it is revealing.

He observed that the dimensions and proportions of bricks varied through time. He attempted to distinguish bricks associated with what he understood as Hindu, Pathan, Akbar, Shah Jahan, Muhammad Shah and other periods.

His argument was that brick dimensions varied across historical periods, including what he identified as the Hindu, Pathan, Akbar, Shah Jahan and Muhammad Shah periods. Consequently, the dimensions of bricks could provide evidence for dating archaeological remains.

This was a remarkably early attempt to employ brick typology as a method of archaeological chronology, well before the institutionalisation of systematic archaeological investigation in India.

His suggestion that variations in brick dimensions might assist in determining the approximate age of the buildings in which those bricks occurred was unique for his age. Whatever corrections modern archaeology would make to his chronology or classifications, the methodological principle was remarkably perceptive. A manufactured object possesses chronological characteristics. Those characteristics can be measured. Measurable differences in material culture may provide evidence for dating. This is archaeological reasoning.

Sir Syed went further. At Hastinapur he had digging undertaken to recover bricks from below the surface and recorded their dimensions. He was not content with saying vaguely that ancient bricks appeared larger. He measured them. And he was doing this in the 1840s. This deserves particular emphasis because the systematic use of brick dimensions subsequently became familiar within Indian archaeological investigation. Sir John Marshall, whose archaeological career in India belonged to the twentieth century, also recorded brick dimensions and proportions in his archaeological work. Marshall’s archaeology naturally operated within a far more developed professional discipline, and one should not manufacture a direct intellectual descent where documentary evidence does not demonstrate one. But the chronology remains striking. Sir Syed was writing about bricks as chronological archaeological evidence decades before Sir John Marshall was doing so.

We need not claim that Sir Syed invented archaeological method. Nor should we project the fully developed stratigraphic archaeology of the twentieth century backwards upon him. But it would be equally misleading to ignore what the evidence plainly demonstrates. Before Cunningham’s Archaeological Survey had acquired institutional shape, and long before Marshall’s great archaeological projects, an Indian scholar writing in Urdu was asking whether monuments could be dated through their material fabric, whether inscriptions should be copied even when the investigator could not decipher them, and whether the dimensions of bricks could reveal chronological change. This is why I would describe Sir Syed not merely as an antiquarian or a connoisseur of India’s architectural heritage, but as one of the pioneers of historical archaeology in India.

From Delhi’s Ruins to the Collections at Aligarh

The archaeological impulse did not disappear when Sir Syed’s centre of activity shifted to Aligarh. He continued to take an interest in antiquities from Aligarh and neighbouring areas. Sculptures, architectural fragments, door jambs and other objects came into collections associated with the institution he founded. Significantly, these were not restricted to Islamic remains. Buddhist, Jain and Hindu antiquities were also preserved. The surviving account reproduced with this essay is particularly revealing. It refers to material from Hathras, Mathura and Balai Qila and records the subsequent attempt to gather scattered pieces into the University’s museum collection. Professor R. C. Gaur later catalogued this material, preserving an important record of what came to be known as the Sir Syed Collection.

There is something particularly appropriate about this connection. The institution established to prepare Indians for the intellectual challenges of the future simultaneously became a repository for fragments of their ancient and medieval past. Much later, the Department of History at Aligarh developed an archaeological tradition of its own. Excavations and explorations at Atranjikhera, Jakhera, Lal Qila and Fathpur Sikri, together with investigations of Mughal highways, settlements and monuments, helped establish a distinctive Aligarh tradition in which historians were encouraged to work with material evidence as well as texts. Sir Syed could not have anticipated the precise form this scholarship would take. But its basic principle would have been immediately intelligible to him. The historian must sometimes leave the library and confront the material remains of history upon the ground.

1857 and a Historian Confronting His Own Present

Then came 1857. The significance of the uprising in Sir Syed’s intellectual development can hardly be exaggerated. The old Delhi world was devastated. Mughal sovereignty disappeared. Families with which he had grown up were destroyed or dispersed. British reprisals were brutal, and Muslims in northern India came under particular suspicion. Sir Syed might simply have mourned the catastrophe. Instead, he asked a historian’s question: Why had this happened?

The result was Asbāb-i Baghāwat-i Hind. What makes this work remarkable is that Sir Syed himself served the colonial administration. Yet he refused to accept the comfortable explanation that the uprising could simply be attributed to Indian treachery, religious fanaticism or conspiracy. He examined failures of governance, the exclusion of Indians from consultation, British ignorance of Indian opinion, anxieties concerning religious interference and the accumulation of grievances which had produced the explosion. This complicates the easy caricature of Sir Syed as merely a British loyalist.

He undoubtedly became convinced that direct confrontation with British power would be disastrous, particularly for the Muslims of northern India who had suffered enormously after 1857. He sought accommodation with colonial rule and regarded education as more urgent than political confrontation. We may analyse and debate that judgement. But loyalty did not mean intellectual silence. The colonial employee told the colonial rulers that their own policies had helped create the conditions for rebellion. His Tārīkh-i Sarkashī-i Bijnor similarly attempted to document events he had himself witnessed. Once again we encounter the same intellectual instinct that animated his archaeological investigations: observe carefully, record evidence, compare accounts and seek causes. The monument and the mutiny appear to be completely different subjects. Yet the mind examining them was recognisably the same.

From Historical Enquiry to Educational Reform

After 1857 Sir Syed became increasingly convinced that the central problem confronting Indian Muslims was not simply their loss of political power. Something still more dangerous was taking place. They were in danger of becoming intellectually marginal to the new world emerging around them. The answer, for Sir Syed, was education.

Schools were established at Moradabad and Ghazipur. The Scientific Society became one of the most imaginative components of his educational programme. Its purpose was not simply to teach Indians English. It sought to make European works on science and other fields accessible through Indian languages. This is important because Sir Syed is sometimes too casually described as an advocate of Westernisation. His project was subtler. He did not initially demand that Indians abandon their languages in order to acquire modern knowledge. He wanted modern knowledge to enter those languages. Translation therefore became an instrument of intellectual democratisation.

It is precisely this inclusive educational vision that certain vested interests today seek to distort by reading the politics of the present into the nineteenth century. A familiar allegation now circulating in Pasmanda Muslim discourse is that Sir Syed was concerned only with the education of the Ashrāf, that he had no place in his scheme for the ajlāf, let alone the razīl. The claim is that the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College was designed as an exclusive preserve of the upper-caste Muslims and that the founder actively discouraged the education of the so-called low-born. This is a serious charge, but it is also a fundamentally unhistorical one.

The allegation rests upon a selective reading of a handful of statements from a long and evolving public life, divorced from their context and from the institutional record. Sir Syed certainly belonged to a nineteenth-century social world in which distinctions of birth and status were deeply embedded, and it would be dishonest to pretend that he was entirely free of the prejudices of his time. But the claim that his educational project was designed to exclude the ajlāf and the razīl collapses the moment we examine what he actually built. The Madrasatul Uloom, founded in 1875, was open to all, irrespective of religion, caste or creed. The first graduate of the MAO College was a Hindu, Ishwari Prasad, and the first postgraduate was also a non-Muslim, Amba Prasad. The college admitted students from all communities and had a sizeable number of Hindu students from its earliest years. Sanskrit was taught from the beginning, and the institution’s secular character was widely acknowledged by contemporaries, including Sir William Hunter, President of the Education Commission of 1882.

Nor does the documentary record support the suggestion that Sir Syed sought to confine modern education to the Ashrāf alone. When he founded a madrasa at Moradabad in 1859, the school report of January 1860 showed a student population of 175, of whom 103 were Muslims and 72 Hindus. In his report for the year 1877, he wrote explicitly that it was never the intention of the founders of the college that other races should be shut out from reaping the benefits of the high and liberal education which the college professed to impart, adding that it could not be entertained for a moment that public-spirited and patriotic persons should be possessed of such narrow minds and hard hearts as not to appreciate the value of human sympathy. These are not the words of a man constructing a caste-exclusive institution.

It is true that Sir Syed’s primary concern in the aftermath of 1857 was with the Muslim gentry and middle classes, who had suffered most severely from the collapse of the old order and who possessed the social capital to engage with the new colonial administration. But this was a judgement about the most urgent practical priority of the moment, not a principled exclusion of the ajlāf and the razīl from the benefits of education. The Pasmanda critique, whatever its legitimacy as a contemporary political intervention, commits a fundamental historical error when it projects the identity politics of the twenty-first century backwards onto a nineteenth-century reformer whose intellectual world was shaped by entirely different categories and constraints. To hold Sir Syed responsible for the later structural exclusion of Pasmanda Muslims from Aligarh is to make him answerable for developments he did not control and could not have foreseen. The institution he founded was, by the standards of its time, remarkably open. That its subsequent history became more socially narrow is a matter for historians of the twentieth century, not for retrospective indictment of the founder.

The Aligarh Institute Gazette carried the project further, while Tahzīb-ul Akhlāq, launched in 1870, extended it into the realm of social criticism. Sir Syed increasingly confronted customs, habits and intellectual assumptions within his own community which he regarded as obstacles to advancement. Naturally, he was attacked.

The Naturī and the Defence of Reason

His opponents mocked him as a Naturī. He was accused of subordinating revelation to nature, denying miracles and compromising Islam in his eagerness to reconcile religion with modern science. Sir Syed was certainly no conventional theologian. His religious thought placed unusual emphasis upon ʿaql, reason. He was deeply suspicious of an intellectual culture in which inherited authority and taqlīd could close the door upon enquiry. His interpretation of scripture attempted to reconcile revelation with what he regarded as the established laws of nature.

Yet here again the caricature fails. The same Sir Syed who was accused of capitulating before Christianity challenged William Muir’s representation of Islam and the Prophet. At the same time he was capable of engaging sympathetically with the Bible. Intellectual engagement did not, for him, necessarily mean intellectual surrender. Barbara Metcalf has made an important point in this regard. Sir Syed’s modernist interventions preceded some of the Egypt-based Muslim modernists who are often treated as the originators of this tendency. She has also cautioned against drawing too rigid a line between Aligarh and Deoband. Both emerged from the intellectual upheavals of nineteenth-century north India. Their responses differed profoundly, but they shared an anxiety about the future of Indian Muslim intellectual and institutional life. Sir Syed’s answer was distinctive. Faith could not be protected by forbidding questions.

The Aligarh Movement and the Gospel of Free Enquiry

The culmination of these experiments was the institution which became the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College. The Madrasatul Uloom was established at Aligarh in 1875. On 8 January 1877 Lord Lytton laid the foundation stone of the MAO College. Sir Syed had visited England and observed Oxford and Cambridge, and his ambition was to create an institution which could combine aspects of modern Western education with the cultural and ethical formation of Indian Muslims. But perhaps no administrative account conveys his vision as beautifully as his own words on that occasion.

He hoped that the seed being planted might grow into a mighty tree, like the banyan, whose branches would themselves strike roots into the earth and produce new saplings. He hoped that the College would eventually become a University whose sons would go throughout the length and breadth of the land preaching the gospel of free enquiry, large-hearted toleration and pure morality. These words deserve to be remembered every Sir Syed Day. Free enquiry. Large-hearted toleration. Pure morality. The College was not conceived simply as a machine for producing degrees or government servants. It was intended to produce a particular kind of mind.

Sir Syed and the Politics of His Age

A tribute, however, should not become hagiography. Sir Syed’s political thinking changed during his lifetime and contained tensions which historians must acknowledge. He eventually became a determined opponent of the Indian National Congress. He feared that representative institutions based simply upon numerical majority could place Muslims, particularly the educationally disadvantaged Muslims of northern India, at a permanent disadvantage. His attitude towards Bengali political leadership could sometimes be sharp and prejudiced. These aspects of his thought should neither be concealed nor explained away. Great historical figures do not require us to pretend that all their opinions were great. But they do require us to respect chronology and context.

The Congress of the 1880s was not the mass nationalist organisation of Gandhi’s time. Questions of representation, employment, language, education and community were being negotiated within a colonial political system in which Indians themselves possessed extremely limited power. Nor was Sir Syed’s political vocabulary static. In earlier speeches he could speak of Hindus and Muslims as members of a common Indian qaum. He famously employed the metaphor of Hindus and Muslims as the two eyes of the beautiful bride that was Hindustan. Later statements placed greater emphasis upon political differences between communities. The tension is real. It should be studied, not concealed. But the nineteenth-century word qaum did not possess one immutable twentieth-century meaning. It could refer to a religious community, a social collectivity, a people or the inhabitants of a territory. To translate every nineteenth-century occurrence mechanically into the modern concept of a sovereign nation-state is to erase precisely the historical vocabulary we are supposed to be explaining.

Was Sir Syed the Father of Pakistan?

This brings us to one of the more striking attempts in our own times to retrospectively malign Sir Syed: the claim that he was somehow the intellectual architect of Pakistan. There are serious historical debates about the longer genealogy of Muslim political identity in India. Some historians have located elements of later Muslim political separatism in Sir Syed’s later speeches. Such arguments deserve to be examined on their evidence. What cannot responsibly be done is to collapse concern for Muslim representation, the recognition of Muslims as a political community, the theory of two nations and the demand for a sovereign territorial Pakistan into a single timeless idea.

Chronology matters. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan died on 27 March 1898. The All-India Muslim League was founded at Dacca only in 1906, eight years after his death. He therefore did not found it, could not have joined it and obviously played no role in its subsequent political development. The explicit programme associated with the name Pakistan belongs to a still later period. Choudhry Rahmat Ali’s Now or Never appeared in 1933, thirty-five years after Sir Syed’s death, and explicitly proposed a separate political arrangement under the name Pakistan. V. D. Savarkar, addressing the Hindu Mahasabha in 1937, spoke explicitly of Hindus and Muslims as two nations, although his proposed political solution differed fundamentally from the territorial partition later pursued by the Muslim League. Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Lahore address of 1940 then articulated the League’s claim that Hindus and Muslims constituted distinct social and political collectivities within the context of the Lahore Resolution.

Whatever genealogies historians may trace backwards from these later developments, the territorial Pakistan of the twentieth century cannot simply be attributed to a man who died in 1898. One may criticise Sir Syed’s opposition to the Congress. One may analyse his changing conception of qaum. One may question his political judgements. One may examine the tension between his earlier language of common nationhood and his later concern with separate Muslim political interests. That is history. To make him an advocate of the Partition of 1947 is retrospective politics.

Neither Saint nor Sinner

Perhaps we honour Sir Syed best when we stop requiring him to be either flawless or wicked. He had prejudices. He made political judgements which subsequent generations may question. His confidence in British rule after 1857 appears uncomfortable when viewed from the history of the later national movement. His attitude towards Bengali political leadership deserves criticism. His religious interpretations were contested in his lifetime and remain contested today. None of this diminishes the magnitude of what he achieved.

He belonged to a defeated social world and refused to accept intellectual defeat. He saw Delhi devastated and began recording what remained of its past. He saw a community suspicious of modern science and created institutions to transmit it. He encountered religious orthodoxy and insisted upon the legitimacy of reason. He served the colonial state and nevertheless told that state that its policies had contributed to the catastrophe of 1857. He belonged to the culture of Persian manuscripts yet recognised the revolutionary possibilities of print. He admired the past without believing that society could continue living in it. That combination is what makes him extraordinary.

From a Brick to a University

There is, for me, something deeply moving in connecting the young Syed Ahmad wandering among the monuments of Delhi with the older Sir Syed standing at Aligarh and imagining the university which might one day arise there. At first sight, a brick measured at Hastinapur and the foundation stone of the MAO College appear to belong to completely different stories. Perhaps they do not.

The man examining the brick was already learning that received opinion was insufficient. Measure it, compare it, ask where it came from and establish its relationship with other evidence. Do not simply repeat what tradition tells you. The man recording an inscription which he could not decipher was making another intellectual commitment. Evidence does not cease to matter merely because I cannot understand it. The man writing Asbāb-i Baghāwat-i Hind carried the principle into contemporary politics. Do not explain a catastrophe simply by blaming those who rebelled. Ask what conditions produced it. The man establishing the Scientific Society extended the principle into education. If knowledge exists elsewhere, translate it, discuss it and make it available. The religious reformer carried it into theology. Do not silence ʿaql before taqlīd. And finally the founder embodied it in an institution.

The line connecting these apparently different activities is remarkably clear. It is enquiry. That is why the phrase Sir Syed used in 1877, free enquiry, matters so much. It was not merely an ornamental expression appropriate to a ceremonial speech. In a very real sense, he had spent his adult life practising it.

Sir Syed in 2026: A Legacy That Still Lives

On 17 October 2026, as we celebrate the 209th anniversary of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s birth, we are therefore not merely commemorating a nineteenth-century reformer. Nor are we simply remembering the founder of an institution which subsequently grew into Aligarh Muslim University. We are remembering a way of thinking which, nearly a century and three decades after his death, continues to challenge, provoke and influence us.

The world in which Sir Syed lived has disappeared. The Mughal Delhi of his childhood vanished before his own eyes. The East India Company disappeared. The colonial empire against which, and within which, he negotiated his intellectual position is gone. The political questions of his age have assumed forms he could never have anticipated. Yet many of the questions with which he struggled remain strangely familiar. What should be the relationship between faith and reason? How should a society respond when new knowledge challenges inherited assumptions? How can education rescue communities from intellectual and economic marginalisation? Can tradition survive without becoming taqlīd? Can modernity be embraced without producing cultural amnesia? How should we preserve the material remains of our past? What responsibilities does a historian have towards evidence which contradicts received wisdom? And, above all, can a university remain worthy of the name if it becomes afraid of questions? These were Sir Syed’s questions. In different forms, they remain ours.

That is also why reducing him to the political controversies of the late nineteenth century, or retrospectively making him responsible for political programmes which developed decades after his death, impoverishes our understanding of him. The Sir Syed who continues to matter is larger than these retrospective quarrels. He is the man who could examine an old brick and ask whether its dimensions might reveal its date; copy an inscription whose script he himself could not decipher because he understood that evidence mattered independently of his ability to interpret it; edit the texts through which India’s medieval past could be recovered; tell the colonial rulers after 1857 that their own policies had contributed to rebellion; translate modern knowledge into Indian languages; confront religious orthodoxy with ʿaql; and finally build an educational institution around the hope that future generations would possess the courage to enquire.

From the inscriptions of Delhi to the bricks of Hastinapur, from the pages of Abul Fazl to Asbāb-i Baghāwat-i Hind, from the Scientific Society to Tahzīb-ul Akhlāq, and from the modest beginnings of the Madrasatul Uloom to the University that ultimately emerged from it, there runs one persistent thread. It is the conviction that knowledge must be sought rather than inherited unquestioningly, that evidence must be examined rather than made subordinate to prejudice, and that education should liberate the human mind rather than discipline it into conformity.

The banyan whose seed Sir Syed spoke of in 1877 did indeed grow. But the real measure of his achievement is not simply the size of the institution which grew from that seed. It lies in the intellectual inheritance he left behind. His hope that its students would carry the principles of free enquiry, large-hearted toleration and pure morality throughout the land remains an unfinished responsibility.

Perhaps that is the most meaningful way of celebrating Sir Syed Day in 2026. We celebrate a man born in 1817 not because he belongs safely to the past, but because he has never entirely left our present. Sir Syed remains relevant because the questions he raised about reason, education, scientific temper, historical enquiry, tolerance and intellectual openness remain relevant. He continues to influence the questions we ask, the manner in which we approach our past, and the kind of university and society we wish to create.

More than a century after his death, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan therefore remains among us, not merely in portraits, buildings, ceremonies or institutional memory, but in an idea. It is the idea that no society can advance if it is afraid of knowledge, no intellectual tradition can remain alive if it is afraid of questioning, and no university can fulfil its purpose if it ceases to encourage free enquiry. That is why, as we celebrate Sir Syed in 2026, we do not merely remember him. He remains relevant to our present, continues to influence us, and still compels us to think, question, enquire and learn.

The Silence of the Celebrated: Historians and the Defence of Historical Memory

Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi

There is something deeply disheartening about the limited public visibility of some of our most celebrated historians at a time when the very period upon which they have built their international reputations is being subjected to increasingly contentious political reinterpretations. I refer particularly to distinguished scholars of Indian origin occupying prestigious positions in universities abroad, whose writings on the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries command enormous respect within the historical profession.

Their scholarly achievements are unquestionable. Their books have transformed our understanding of early modern India, and their intellectual authority extends far beyond the institutions in which they teach. Yet one cannot help asking whether this authority has been brought to bear sufficiently and consistently upon contemporary attempts to marginalise or distort the history they have spent their lives reconstructing.

The Turkish Sultans and the Mughal Emperors are frequently portrayed in sections of India’s political discourse as foreign conquerors, religious fanatics and oppressive rulers. The medieval centuries are sometimes reduced to a narrative of Hindu suffering under Muslim domination. School textbooks have undergone revisions, including the removal or reduction of material on the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal history, raising legitimate concerns about the historical understanding that future generations will inherit.

Some internationally renowned historians have criticised communal interpretations of India’s past, whether through scholarly writings, interviews, public lectures or occasional statements. These interventions are valuable and should not be overlooked. Nor would it be fair to assume that every contribution has received widespread publicity. Nevertheless, the relative absence of a sustained and readily visible collective response invites reflection. Has the international scholarly community engaged with these developments as fully and effectively as its intellectual resources and public standing might permit?

The issue is not whether the Sultans and the Mughals should be shielded from criticism. They were rulers, not saints. They conquered territories, suppressed rebellions and exercised coercive authority. Their achievements and failures demand rigorous scrutiny. But historical criticism is fundamentally different from interpreting the past selectively through the religious antagonisms of the present.

To portray the Turkish Sultans and the Mughal rulers merely as alien oppressors is to disregard decades of scholarship demonstrating the complexity of their political institutions, agrarian relations, commercial networks and cultural interactions. Their rule was integral to the processes through which the subcontinent’s institutions, economic structures and artistic traditions evolved. To minimise this history, or to present it predominantly as an age of religious oppression, is to diminish our understanding of India itself.

There is an uncomfortable irony here. The Sultanate and Mughal worlds have provided generations of historians with subjects of research, rich archival material and opportunities for distinguished academic careers. Their scholarship has illuminated precisely those historical complexities that are now often obscured in popular representations. One might therefore have expected a more conspicuous effort to bring the findings of this scholarship into public discussions of the period.

The contrast with the responses of many historians working within India deserves particular attention. It is they who confront the immediate consequences of changes in the country’s intellectual and institutional climate. Academic independence can come under pressure, while public disagreement with dominant historical narratives may expose scholars to criticism, professional difficulties or organised hostility. Despite these challenges, a number of historians in India have continued to question textbook revisions, challenge communal interpretations and defend the importance of historical evidence through articles, public statements and debates. Their willingness to intervene is especially significant because the consequences of public disagreement can be more immediate for those working within the institutions directly affected by these developments.

By comparison, internationally established scholars often possess access to influential publications, professional associations and academic platforms that could amplify such interventions. Their institutional circumstances differ, and it would be simplistic to assume that appointments abroad guarantee complete freedom from pressure or controversy. Nevertheless, their international standing offers opportunities to support colleagues in India and broaden the discussion beyond the country’s immediate political divisions. The paradox is that some of those confronting the greatest institutional pressures have remained publicly engaged, while the interventions of certain internationally prominent scholars have been less visible or less sustained.

This observation should not be mistaken for a blanket accusation of silence. Scholars contribute in different ways, and sustained research can itself provide a powerful challenge to ideological interpretations. Some have publicly questioned communal historiography, while others have addressed these issues through teaching, writing and scholarly collaboration. The concern is less about the absence of individual contributions than about whether their collective intellectual weight has been sufficiently evident in debates over historical education and public memory.

Nor does one expect every historian to become a political activist. Academic scholarship is itself a valuable public contribution, and intellectual independence includes the freedom to choose the manner of one’s engagement. But there is a difference between routine political controversy and a sustained struggle over how an entire historical period is represented to the public. When history is invoked to reinforce contemporary communal divisions, and when educational narratives risk privileging ideological certainties over historical complexity, the responsibilities of the historical profession extend beyond specialist scholarship.

This raises a question about the relationship between academic distinction and public intellectual responsibility. Scholars who engage confidently in sophisticated historiographical controversies possess the knowledge to illuminate the limitations of simplistic public narratives. Could more of that expertise be communicated beyond academic conferences, specialist journals and university classrooms?

The concern extends beyond the Sultanate and the Mughals. Once Indian history is divided into rigid religious or civilisational compartments, centuries of cultural interaction become difficult to accommodate. Shared traditions of language, literature, music, architecture and religious thought risk being marginalised, while the complex processes that shaped Indian society are reduced to an exaggerated narrative of perpetual antagonism.

What is required is neither the romanticisation of this period, nor the defence of individual rulers. It is a sustained assertion of the principles upon which responsible historical scholarship rests: fidelity to evidence, sensitivity to context, recognition of contradictions and resistance to the imposition of contemporary political prejudices upon the past.

Internationally recognised historians could contribute through collective scholarly interventions, accessible public lectures, engagement with educational debates and closer collaboration with colleagues in India. Such efforts need not be partisan. Their purpose would be to make the findings of serious historical research more accessible and to strengthen public understanding of periods too often reduced to political slogans.

For those of us who have devoted our lives to studying, teaching and writing the history of medieval and early modern India, the present situation is profoundly distressing. We have witnessed painstaking historical research displaced in public discussions by sweeping generalisations, complex historical personalities reduced to communal stereotypes, and centuries of interaction recast as an almost uninterrupted confrontation between religious communities.

The responses of historians working within India demonstrate that scholarly engagement with these developments remains possible, even under difficult circumstances. Their example also invites reflection among colleagues whose international standing could lend additional visibility and authority to the defence of historical complexity.

A historian’s responsibility does not necessarily end with the publication of a celebrated book, the delivery of a prestigious lecture or the acquisition of an endowed chair in a foreign university. There are moments when scholarship has an especially important role to play beyond the academy.

The question is not whether internationally distinguished historians have contributed to our understanding of medieval and early modern India. They unquestionably have. Nor is it whether they have all remained silent. They have not. The more pertinent question is whether their interventions, individually and collectively, have matched the seriousness of the challenges confronting the public understanding of India’s past. And perhaps the most compelling consideration is this: when historians working within India continue to defend historical inquiry despite institutional pressures and public hostility, should their internationally established colleagues not seek more visible and sustained ways of supporting that effort?

The disappointment expressed here arises not from personal animosity or a dismissal of existing scholarly contributions, but from the conviction that intellectual eminence offers opportunities for public engagement that should not be lightly set aside.

The Turkish Sultans and the Mughal kings do not need historians to defend their honour. History needs historians to defend its integrity. At a time when that integrity is being contested, the historical profession would be strengthened by a more sustained, collective and publicly accessible engagement from those whose scholarship has done so much to illuminate India’s medieval and early modern past.