Syed Ali Nadeem Rezavi
This essay in three parts is a long read and concludes our series on Ashura in India. We have traced the journey of Karbala from its origins in seventh-century Arabia through its transmission to the Indian subcontinent, its flowering under the Deccan Sultanates and the Nawabs of Awadh, and its enduring legacy in modern India. Throughout this narrative, one theme has remained constant: the universal appeal of Imam Husain’s moral stand and the capacity of Indian civilisation to embrace, preserve and enrich that legacy for generations to come.
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Part I: The Eternal Meaning of Ashura
“And do not think of those who are slain in the way of Allah as dead. Rather, they are alive with their Lord, receiving sustenance.”
— Qur’an 3:169
“I have not risen to seek power or to spread corruption. I have risen only to reform the community of my grandfather.”
— Imam Husain ibn Ali
Every year, on the tenth day of Muharram, millions across India gather to commemorate one of the most profound events in human history. In cities such as Lucknow, Hyderabad, Kolkata, Patna and Srinagar, as well as in countless towns and villages across the country, majalis are held, marsiyas and nauhas are recited, alams are carried in solemn processions, tazias are borne through the streets, and sabeels distribute water in memory of the thirst endured by Imam Husain and his companions on the plain of Karbala. Black banners flutter from homes and imambaras, and the names of Husain, Abbas, Zainab and Ali Asghar are spoken with reverence by people belonging not only to different schools of Islam but often to different faiths as well.
Ashura in India is therefore much more than the remembrance of a historical event that occurred nearly fourteen centuries ago in present-day Iraq. It is a living moral tradition. It is one of the finest examples of how a universal ethical ideal became rooted in the civilisation of the Indian subcontinent without losing its original religious meaning. Through literature, architecture, music, craftsmanship, public ritual and acts of charity, India transformed the remembrance of Karbala into one of the richest cultural traditions in the Islamic world.
To understand Ashura in India, however, one must first understand Ashura itself.
The tragedy of Karbala was not merely a battle fought between two armies. It was a confrontation between two conceptions of political authority and religious morality. Following the death of Mu’awiya ibn Abi Sufyan in 680 CE, his son Yazid demanded allegiance from Imam Husain ibn Ali, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad. Husain refused. His refusal was not born of political ambition but of moral conviction. He believed that the caliphate had ceased to embody the principles of justice, consultation and accountability upon which the Prophet had established the Muslim community. (Madelung, The Succession to Muhammad)
In his celebrated declaration, Husain explained the purpose of his movement:
“I have not risen to seek power, nor to spread corruption. I have risen only to reform the community of my grandfather. I desire to enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong.”
These words transformed Karbala from a political dispute into an ethical revolution. Husain sought neither conquest nor dominion. He sought to preserve the moral integrity of Islam.
The events of the tenth of Muharram unfolded with heartbreaking inevitability. After days during which access to the waters of the Euphrates had been denied to his camp, Husain led the dawn prayer. Even while arrows were falling, some of his companions stood before the congregation to shield those engaged in worship. Prayer and resistance became inseparable expressions of faith.
Throughout the morning Husain appealed repeatedly to the conscience of the opposing army. He reminded them of his relationship to the Prophet and asked them to reflect upon the consequences of shedding the blood of his family. His appeals were ignored.
According to the conventions of warfare prevailing at the time, his companions entered the battlefield one after another. Elderly followers, youthful companions, brothers, nephews and sons embraced martyrdom in succession. Each farewell deepened the tragedy while simultaneously revealing the extraordinary loyalty inspired by Husain’s leadership.
Among the most poignant moments remembered in both historical and devotional traditions is the martyrdom of the infant Ali Asghar. Carrying his six-month-old son in his arms, Husain appealed not for victory but simply for water for the thirsty child. Instead, an arrow struck the infant. Few episodes in world history have symbolised so powerfully the suffering of innocence in the face of unrestrained violence. (al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk)
By the afternoon, Husain stood almost alone. The companions who had travelled with him from Madinah, the members of his family who had chosen to share his fate, and the loyal followers who had refused to abandon him had all fallen. Wounded, exhausted and weakened by thirst, he nevertheless entered the final combat with the same dignity that had characterised his entire movement. He fell upon the sands of Karbala, where he was martyred. The Umayyad soldiers severed his head and believed that they had extinguished the last serious challenge to their authority.
Yet the true history of Karbala had only begun.
The tents of the Prophet’s family were plundered and set ablaze. The surviving women and children, together with the gravely ill Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin, were taken captive and marched first to Kufa and then to Damascus. If the battlefield belonged to Yazid, history belonged to Zainab. Through her eloquent sermons before Ibn Ziyad in Kufa and Yazid in Damascus, she exposed the moral bankruptcy of the victors and ensured that the message of Karbala would never be forgotten. Imam Ali Zain al-Abidin continued that mission, preserving the memory of the tragedy through his sermons and supplications, many of which survive in the Sahifa al-Sajjadiyya.
Thus Ashura became more than a remembrance of martyrdom. It became the remembrance of moral victory.
Before his final sacrifice, Imam Husain uttered the words that have echoed across fourteen centuries:
Hal min nasirin yansuruna?
“Is there anyone who will come to our aid?”
These words have often been misunderstood as a simple appeal for military assistance. In reality they constitute one of history’s greatest moral summons. Husain was calling upon every human conscience to stand with truth against falsehood, justice against oppression and dignity against humiliation. The appeal was not confined to those present on the battlefield. It was addressed to every generation that would follow.
The annual response of millions is therefore not merely ritual. It is a reaffirmation of moral responsibility.
Labbaik Ya Husain.
“Here we are, O Husain.”
The famous saying attributed to Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq expresses this idea with remarkable clarity:
Kullu yawmin Ashura wa kullu ardin Karbala.
Every day is Ashura. Every land is Karbala.
Whether or not the attribution can be established through the earliest chains of transmission, the saying has become one of the most influential summaries of the philosophy of Karbala. It reminds believers that the struggle between justice and injustice is not confined to one moment in history. Every age produces new forms of tyranny. Every society confronts moral choices. Every individual must decide whether to remain silent or to stand with truth.
Ashura therefore rejects fatalism. It demands action.
Unlike the Christian doctrine of vicarious atonement, where Christ’s crucifixion is understood as redeeming the sins of believers, the Islamic understanding reflected in Karbala insists upon individual moral responsibility. Husain did not die so that others might escape accountability. He demonstrated the path of righteousness, but each generation must choose whether to walk upon it.
For this reason, Karbala has inspired not only Muslims but also countless men and women across religious and cultural boundaries. Statesmen, poets, revolutionaries, philosophers and reformers have recognised in Husain’s sacrifice the highest example of ethical leadership. His movement has become a universal language through which humanity speaks of resistance to oppression and fidelity to conscience.
Nowhere is this universality more evident than in India.
Few countries outside Iraq have embraced the memory of Karbala so deeply. Over more than a thousand years, the subcontinent absorbed the remembrance of Imam Husain into its own cultural life, giving rise to new forms of literature, architecture, music, ritual and scholarship while preserving the essential message of the tragedy.
India did not merely receive Karbala.
It gave Karbala a second home.
Part II: The Coming of Karbala to India and the Rise of Azadari
The story of how Karbala found a second home in India begins long before the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The Indian Ocean had, for centuries, served not merely as a highway of commerce but also as a bridge connecting ideas, beliefs and peoples. Arab merchants had frequented the western coast of India from pre-Islamic times, and after the advent of Islam these commercial contacts became conduits for religious and cultural exchange. Muslim settlements emerged along the Malabar coast, while Indian merchants travelled regularly to Basra, Siraf and other ports of the Persian Gulf. Through these maritime networks, devotion to the Prophet’s family travelled eastwards together with Islam itself. (Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World)
The early spread of Islam in India was therefore not solely the consequence of conquest. It was equally the product of commerce, migration and scholarship. Arab merchants who settled at Kodungallur, Kollam and other ports brought with them a profound reverence for the Ahl al-Bayt, a sentiment that was common to Muslims of every legal school. The descendants of the Prophet also found refuge in different parts of the subcontinent. Traditions preserved in local genealogies and tazkiras record the settlement of sayyid families in Sindh, Multan, Punjab, Kashmir and later in Gujarat and the Deccan. Although individual genealogical claims require careful historical scrutiny, there is little doubt that the presence of these families strengthened attachment to the Prophet’s household throughout the region.
The conquest of Sindh by Muhammad ibn Qasim in the early eighth century brought parts of north-western India into closer contact with the political world of the Umayyad Caliphate. Yet the spread of devotion to Imam Husain owed far more to scholars, mystics and migrants than to imperial expansion. Sufi saints arriving from Khurasan, Iraq and Iran frequently invoked the virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt in their teachings. Their khanqahs became centres where the memory of Karbala was preserved alongside the wider spiritual traditions of Islam. (Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India)
By the thirteenth century, the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate created new opportunities for Persian scholars, administrators, theologians and poets to settle in India. Many of them came from regions where devotion to the Ahl al-Bayt had long been cultivated. Although the Sultans themselves generally followed Sunni schools of jurisprudence, they seldom discouraged expressions of reverence towards the Prophet’s family. On the contrary, Persian literature celebrating Imam Husain circulated widely at court and among the learned classes, while Sufi gatherings frequently recounted the sufferings of Karbala. Minhaj us Siraj in his Tabaqāt i Nāsiri mentions the wide prevalence of tazkīr, the narration of the story of Karbala in much of the territories of Delhi Sultanate during the first ten days, Ashra of Muharram. During the reign of the Tughluqs, one find the construction of buildings dedicated to commemorating Muharram. One such place is still extant in Delhi. Perhaps this was the first Imāmbada or Ashurkhana constructed in India.
It is significant that the remembrance of Imam Husain entered India initially through literature and piety rather than through political sectarianism. Elegiac poetry, devotional narratives and sermons familiarised Indian audiences with the events of Karbala long before organised Muharram processions became widespread. This literary foundation would later prove decisive in enabling the tragedy to transcend sectarian boundaries.
The Mughal period, which began with Babur’s victory at Panipat in 1526, provided a new context for the observance of Muharram. The Mughal emperors, while generally adhering to Sunni orthodoxy, adopted a policy of religious tolerance and cultural synthesis that allowed diverse traditions to flourish. Emperor Akbar, in particular, encouraged inter-faith dialogue and patronised religious observances from various communities. This atmosphere of relative openness enabled the remembrance of Karbala to continue and even expand, though the imperial court itself did not always take a prominent role in its sponsorship.
A remarkable contemporary account of Muharram observances during Akbar’s reign comes from an unexpected source. Father Antonio Monserrate (1536-1600), a Portuguese Jesuit priest who accompanied the first Jesuit mission to Akbar’s court, recorded his observations of Muharram in Narwar as an outsider and impartial witness. His description, preserved in his travel memoirs, provides invaluable evidence of how the rituals were performed in the late sixteenth century:
“The Musalmans fast for nine days during Muharram and eat only pulse and certain of these days some of them publicly recite the story of sufferings of asson (Hasan) and Hossen (Husain) from a raised platform and their words stir the whole assembly to lamentation and tears. On the last day of the festival funeral pyres are erected and burnt one after the other. The People jump over these and afterwards scatter the glowing ashes with their feet, meanwhile they shriek ‘Asson-Hossen’ with wild and savage cries.” (Monserrate, The Commentary of Father Monserrate, S.J., on his Journey to the Court of Akbar)
This account, while reflecting the cultural assumptions and limitations of a sixteenth-century European observer, nonetheless confirms the vitality of Muharram rituals during the Mughal period. The recitation of the sufferings of Hasan and Husain from a raised platform, the collective lamentation, the public processions and the ritual “fire-jumping” – an allusion to āg ka mātam – all attest to the continuity of traditions that had been established centuries earlier. Monserrate’s description of the crowds shrieking the names of the martyrs – perhaps cries of Ya Hasan, Ya Husain – captures the emotional intensity that has always characterised Ashura observances. Incidentally during 19th century a dictionary of local terms compiled by the British government was entitled Hobson Jobson – an invocation of Ya Hasan, Ya Husain!
A colour engraving from the rich collections of our archive, depicting the celebration of Muharram during the Mughal period, offers further visual evidence of these traditions. The image shows processions carrying alams and tazias, with crowds of mourners participating in the rituals, their grief vividly portrayed through their gestures and postures. Such visual records complement the textual accounts and help us reconstruct the historical practice of Azadari in India.
One of the most influential works in this process was Husayn Wa’iz Kashifi’s Rawzat al-Shuhada, composed in Herat towards the close of the fifteenth century. Written in elegant Persian prose, the work offered a moving account of the sufferings of the martyrs of Karbala and rapidly became one of the most widely read books in the Persian-speaking world. More than a historical chronicle, it was a work of devotional literature intended to awaken moral reflection through the narration of sacrifice. (Kashifi, Rawzat al-Shuhada)
The influence of Rawzat al-Shuhada upon India can scarcely be overstated. For centuries it was read aloud in Muharram gatherings, translated into several languages and adapted into local literary traditions. The very term rawza-khwani, denoting the recitation of the sufferings of the martyrs, derives from Kashifi’s celebrated work. Through its pages, generations of Indians encountered the emotional landscape of Karbala.
Persian devotional literature also inspired indigenous adaptations. In the Deccan and North India, narrative works collectively known as Karbal Katha retold the story of Karbala in forms accessible to local audiences. These compositions did not merely translate Persian texts. They incorporated Indian literary sensibilities, regional idioms and familiar imagery while preserving the central ethical message of Imam Husain’s sacrifice. In this manner, Karbala gradually became part of India’s own narrative tradition.
The Bahmani Sultanate of the Deccan marked the beginning of a new phase in the history of Azadari. Established in the fourteenth century, the Bahmani court attracted scholars, theologians, sayyids and administrators from Iran and Iraq. Although the religious orientation of successive rulers varied, patronage of the Ahl al-Bayt steadily increased. Muharram observances acquired greater public visibility, and the Deccan emerged as an important centre for the diffusion of Persian religious culture. (Eaton, A Social History of the Deccan)
After the fragmentation of the Bahmani kingdom, its successor states carried this development even further. Among them, the Qutb Shahis of Golconda deserve particular attention. Their rulers openly patronised the remembrance of Karbala, constructing magnificent ashurkhanas, endowing alams and encouraging the composition of poetry in Persian, Dakhni and later Urdu. Hyderabad became one of the foremost centres of Muharram observances in the Islamic world.
The Badshahi Ashurkhana, established by Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah in the late sixteenth century, remains one of the oldest surviving institutions dedicated to Azadari in South Asia. Its richly decorated tile work, calligraphy and sacred standards testify not only to royal patronage but also to the fusion of Persian artistic traditions with Deccani craftsmanship. The annual procession of the Bibi ka Alam, associated by tradition with Hazrat Fatima, continues to attract thousands of devotees irrespective of sect or religion, illustrating the enduring vitality of these early institutions.
The Adil Shahis of Bijapur likewise extended generous patronage to Muharram. Their courts became centres of Persian learning, while poets and scholars enriched the devotional literature surrounding Karbala. Under their encouragement, Muharram observances became integrated into the ceremonial life of the Deccan, combining royal patronage with popular participation.
These developments reveal an important characteristic of Indian Azadari. While political rulers undoubtedly provided resources and institutional support, the remembrance of Karbala never remained confined to the court. Merchants, artisans, soldiers, scholars and ordinary townspeople all became active participants. Muharram evolved simultaneously as a royal ceremony and as a popular movement.
The architecture associated with Azadari likewise acquired a distinctively Indian character. The ashurkhana, unique to the Deccan, functioned primarily as a sanctuary for sacred standards and relics connected with Karbala. The imambara, more common in North India, became the principal venue for majalis, Qur’an recitation and communal mourning. Although both institutions drew inspiration from Persian precedents, Indian architects transformed them into original forms reflecting local artistic traditions.
Perhaps the most striking example of this creative adaptation was the evolution of the tazia. Unlike the shrines of Karbala or Najaf, the tazia was an entirely South Asian innovation. Constructed from bamboo, paper, wood, silver, sandalwood, ivory or glass, it represented an artistic evocation of Imam Husain’s mausoleum rather than an attempt to reproduce it exactly. Each region developed its own style. Bengali artisans favoured intricate paper ornamentation. Deccani craftsmen employed Persian decorative motifs. Rajput workshops introduced local architectural forms. The result was not imitation but creative homage. (Hasan, The Tazia: A Study of Popular Ritual in South Asia)
Similarly, the alam, symbolising the standard carried by Hazrat Abbas ibn Ali, acquired new dimensions in India. It became not merely a military emblem but a sacred object representing loyalty, courage and fidelity to duty. Families preserved hereditary alams, neighbourhoods organised annual processions around them, and devotees sought spiritual solace through acts of reverence directed towards these symbols of Karbala.
These artistic developments reveal an important historical truth. India did not passively receive the remembrance of Karbala. It interpreted it through its own aesthetic traditions while preserving its essential religious significance. Architecture, craftsmanship and public ritual combined to create forms of remembrance that were recognisably Indian yet profoundly faithful to the original message of Imam Husain.
During the Mughal period the commemoration of Muharram was further enhanced. Mulla Abdul Qadir Badauni mentions majālis (tazkīr) being held house to house during the reign of Humayun where marsiyas were recited. Soon alam and tābūt processions start being mentioned. And by Shahjahan’s reign Punja Sharif and Shāh e Mardān were established in Delhi which gained much popularity by the reign of Aurangzeb.
By the eighteenth century the centre of this remarkable cultural flowering shifted from the Deccan to the Gangetic plain. In Bengal at Murshidabad, one of the grandest Imāmbada was built. In the kingdom of Awadh, and above all in the city of Lucknow, Azadari would attain a level of literary, artistic and intellectual refinement unmatched anywhere else in South Asia. There, the remembrance of Karbala would become inseparable from the development of Urdu literature itself, giving birth to the immortal marsiyas of Mir Anees and Mirza Dabeer and transforming Lucknow into the unrivalled capital of Ashura in India.
Part III: The Flowering of Azadari in Awadh and Bengal and the Legacy for Modern India
The eighteenth century marked a decisive turning point in the history of Ashura in South Asia. As the Mughal Empire gradually declined, the Nawabs of Awadh emerged as independent rulers, and under their patronage the remembrance of Karbala attained an unprecedented level of cultural refinement. The city of Lucknow, which they elevated to the status of their capital, became not merely a political centre but the very heart of Indian Azadari. It was here that the literary, artistic and ritual dimensions of Muharram were developed to a degree of sophistication that has never been equalled elsewhere in the subcontinent.
The Nawabs of Awadh were Twelver Shia Muslims, and their devotion to the Ahl al-Bayt was both personal and political. They understood that the patronage of Muharram observances served not only their religious conscience but also their legitimacy as rulers in a land where Muslims were a minority. By associating themselves with the legacy of Imam Husain, they projected an image of piety, justice and moral authority that resonated across sectarian and religious boundaries. This was not cynical calculation but rather a genuine conviction that the ethical message of Karbala could serve as a unifying force in a diverse society. (Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq)
Under Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula, who reigned from 1775 to 1797, Lucknow witnessed an extraordinary flowering of Azadari. He commissioned the construction of the Bara Imambara, an architectural masterpiece that remains one of the most magnificent buildings in India. Designed by the architect Kifayatullah, the Imambara was intended not merely as a place of worship but as a public institution where majalis could be held, where the poor could find employment during famine, and where the memory of Karbala could be preserved for generations. The construction of the Imambara was accompanied by the establishment of endowments to ensure its maintenance and the continuation of Muharram rituals.
The Chhota Imambara, built later by Nawab Muhammad Ali Shah, added further splendour to the city’s religious landscape. Adorned with exquisite chandeliers, silver and gold ornaments, and intricate calligraphy, it became a symbol of the Nawabs’ devotion and their commitment to preserving the memory of the martyrs of Karbala. The Hussainabad Trust, established to oversee these institutions, continues to manage them to this day, a testament to the enduring legacy of Awadhi patronage.
However, the most profound contribution of Awadh to the tradition of Ashura was not architectural but literary. It was in Lucknow that Urdu elegiac poetry reached its zenith through the works of Mir Babar Ali Anees and Mirza Salamat Ali Dabeer. These two poets, who lived in the nineteenth century, transformed the marsiya from a simple lament into a sophisticated literary genre capable of expressing the full range of human emotion. Their compositions, running sometimes to hundreds of stanzas, narrated the events of Karbala with extraordinary vividness, psychological depth and poetic brilliance. (Pritchett, A Long Long Time Ago: Urdu Marsiyas of the Nineteenth Century)
Mir Anees, in particular, is remembered as the supreme master of the Urdu marsiya. His poetry drew upon classical Persian models but adapted them to the rhythms and idioms of Urdu, creating a body of work that remains unparalleled in South Asian literature. The marsiyas of Anees were not merely recited in mourning gatherings; they were studied, memorised and analysed with the same seriousness as the works of the greatest Persian and Arabic poets. His contemporary, Mirza Dabeer, was equally accomplished, and the two poets were often compared, their rivalry enriching the literary culture of Lucknow. The tradition they established continues to inspire poets and reciters, ensuring that the story of Karbala remains a living presence in Urdu literature.
The majalis held in Lucknow during Muharram became elaborate affairs, combining religious devotion with literary excellence. Professional reciters, known as zakirs, developed the art of marsiya-khwani and nauha-khwani to a high degree of refinement. The zakir was expected not only to recite poetry but also to evoke the emotional and moral significance of the events being narrated. The audience, which included both Shia and Sunni Muslims, as well as Hindus and others, participated in the lamentations, striking their chests in rhythm with the poetry, their collective grief expressing solidarity with the sufferings of Imam Husain and his family.
The Muharram processions of Lucknow were equally elaborate. The alams and tazias carried through the streets were objects of great artistry, often crafted from precious materials and adorned with intricate ornamentation. The tazia tradition in Lucknow developed its own distinctive style, characterised by a particular shape and decoration that distinguished it from those of other regions. The procession of tazias on the tenth of Muharram, commemorating the mourning of the women of the Prophet’s household, drew vast crowds and remains a major event in the city’s religious calendar.
It is important to recognise that the patronage of Azadari in Awadh was not limited to the Shia community. Sunni Muslims participated in Muharram observances, and while some of the Nawabs’ Sunni subjects may have had theological reservations about certain aspects of the rituals, there is abundant evidence of widespread participation across sectarian lines. The Imambaras and Ashurkhanas were open to all, and the sabeels distributing water on the ninth and tenth of Muharram were a public charity benefiting the entire community. In this respect, the Muharram of Lucknow embodied the pluralistic ethos that had long characterised Indian civilisation.
A particularly striking feature of the Awadhi tradition was the participation of Hindus in Muharram. In many towns of Awadh, Hindus not only attended majalis but also sponsored tazias and alams, contributed to the maintenance of imambaras, and participated actively in the processions. The reverence for Imam Husain transcended religious boundaries, and Hindus often perceived in his sacrifice a parallel with their own traditions of devotion, duty and resistance to injustice. The figure of Imam Husain was sometimes compared to the epic heroes of the Mahabharata and Ramayana, and his moral struggle was understood as a universal lesson applicable to all humanity. (Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isnā ʿAsharī Shīʿīs in India)
While Lucknow became the literary capital of Ashura, eastern India developed its own distinctive traditions centred upon Murshidabad, the capital of the Nawabs of Bengal. The Nizamat Imambara, rebuilt in 1847 under Nawab Nazim Mansur Ali Khan after the earlier structure was destroyed by fire, remains one of the largest imambaras in the Indian subcontinent. Standing opposite the Hazarduari Palace, it continues to function as a living institution of Azadari rather than merely a historical monument. During Muharram its halls resonate with majalis, Qur’an recitations and marsiya-khwani, while devotees gather before the symbolic Zarih Mubarak and the Madinah, reflecting the deep attachment of Bengal’s Muslims to the memory of Karbala. The Murshidabad tradition also demonstrates that the remembrance of Imam Husain was not confined to the royal court but permeated the religious life of the wider population of Bengal.
Murshidabad, together with the imambaras of Hooghly, Kolkata and Patna, illustrates the remarkable geographical spread of Azadari across eastern India. Each region developed its own architectural vocabulary and ceremonial practices, yet all remained united by the same central message of Karbala: fidelity to truth, justice and moral courage.
This syncretic tradition was not confined to Awadh and Bengal. In the Deccan, particularly in Hyderabad, similar patterns of participation emerged. The Bibi ka Alam procession, which continues to attract millions of devotees irrespective of their religion, stands as a powerful symbol of the shared legacy of Karbala. Hindus, Muslims and others come together to honour the memory of the Prophet’s family, their common humanity transcending the divisions of creed and community. The tradition of Peerla Panduga in Telangana is another example of this remarkable cultural synthesis. (Rao, Traditions of Muharram in Andhra Pradesh)
The abolition of the Awadh kingdom by the British in 1856, and the subsequent upheaval of the 1857 rebellion, dealt a severe blow to the institutional patronage of Azadari. Yet the tradition survived, sustained by the devotion of ordinary people and the resilience of religious institutions. The imambaras and ashurkhanas remained centres of community life, and the literary heritage of Lucknow continued to inspire new generations of poets and reciters. The memory of Karbala, once rooted in royal patronage, had become deeply embedded in the popular consciousness of North India.
In modern India, the observance of Muharram continues to be a major religious and cultural event. The processions, majalis and charitable activities associated with Ashura are observed with great fervour in cities such as Lucknow, Hyderabad, Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai, Patna and Srinagar, as well as in countless towns and villages across the country. The rituals have adapted to the changing times, with some traditions evolving while others remain remarkably unchanged over the centuries. The use of modern media, including television and social media, has enabled the dissemination of Muharram sermons and recitations to a global audience, while the internet has facilitated the preservation and study of the literary heritage associated with Ashura.
The significance of Ashura in India extends beyond the Muslim community. Scholars, writers and intellectuals of all backgrounds have recognised the ethical profundity of Imam Husain’s sacrifice. Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, paid tribute to the courage of Husain, describing him as an example of moral resistance. Mahatma Gandhi, while not a Muslim, acknowledged the inspirational power of Karbala and noted its relevance to the Indian struggle for independence. (Gandhi, The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi) These acknowledgements are not merely gestures of inter-faith respect. They reflect a genuine appreciation of the universal moral message that Imam Husain embodied.
In conclusion, the history of Ashura in India is the history of a shared civilisational legacy. What began as a tragedy on the plains of Karbala travelled across oceans and mountains to find a second home in the Indian subcontinent. Through the devotion of ordinary people, the scholarship of theologians, the patronage of rulers, the artistry of craftsmen and the genius of poets, the memory of Imam Husain became interwoven with the cultural fabric of India. It was transformed and enriched by its encounter with Indian civilisation, yet its essential message remained unchanged. The ethical summons of Husain, his call to stand with truth against falsehood and with justice against oppression, resonated across the centuries and continues to inspire millions.
Today, as India navigates the challenges of diversity and pluralism, the legacy of Ashura offers a powerful reminder of the shared values that unite humanity. The remembrance of Karbala teaches that moral conviction is not the preserve of any single community. It speaks to every human being who has ever faced oppression and refused to surrender their conscience. In the processions of Muharram, in the recitation of marsiyas, in the distribution of water and in the collective mourning of millions, the spirit of Imam Husain lives on, a testament to the enduring power of faith, courage and compassion.
The story of Ashura in India is therefore far more than a historical narrative. It is a living tradition that continues to evolve, adapt and inspire. It is a story of how a universal ethical ideal found a home in a land of extraordinary diversity, and how that land, in turn, enriched the tradition with its own cultural genius. The remembrance of Karbala is not merely a ritual of the past. It is a moral compass for the present and a source of hope for the future.
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Comprehensive Reading List
A. Primary Arabic Sources
Abu Mikhnaf (Lut ibn Yahya). Maqtal al-Husayn. Earliest extant account of the Battle of Karbala, preserved principally in al-Tabari.
Al-Baladhuri, Ahmad ibn Yahya. Ansab al-Ashraf. Beirut.
Al-Dinawari, Abu Hanifa. Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal. Cairo.
Ibn al-Athir, Izz al-Din. Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh. Beirut: Dar Sadir.
Al-Mufid, Muhammad ibn Muhammad. Kitab al-Irshad. Qum.
Al-Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir. Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk (The History of al-Tabari). Translated in multiple volumes by the State University of New York Press.
Ibn Tawus, Ali ibn Musa. Al-Luhuf fi Qatla al-Tufuf. Qum.
B. Classical Persian Literature
Husayn Wa’iz Kashifi. Rawzat al-Shuhada. Herat, c.1502.
Fuzuli, Muhammad ibn Sulayman. Hadiqat al-Su’ada. Istanbul.
Muhtasham Kashani. Dawazdah Band (The Twelve Stanzas), the classic Persian elegy on Karbala.
C. Urdu Scholarship on Karbala and Azadari
Naqqan, Allama Saiyid Ali Naqi. Shaheed-i Insaniyat. Lucknow.
Sibtul Hasan, Saiyid. Tarikh-i Azadari. Lucknow.
Turabi, Allama Rashid. Khutbat-i Turabi. Multi-volume collection.
Naqvi, Allama Saiyid Ali Naqi. Collected works on Karbala, Imamat and the Ahl al-Bayt.
Naqvi, Allama Saiyid Ali Naqi. Shuhada-i Karbala.
Naqvi, Allama Saiyid Ali Naqi. Mas’ala-i Imamat.
Muhsin Rizvi. Tarikh-i Shi’iyan-i Hind.
Saiyid Muhammad Askari Jaunpuri. Essays on Muharram and Azadari.
D. Urdu Literary Tradition
Mir Babar Ali Anees. Kulliyat-i Anees.
Mirza Salamat Ali Dabeer. Kulliyat-i Dabeer.
Munshi Chunnilal ‘Dilgeer’. Marsiye wa Nauhe.
Josh Malihabadi. Selected marsiyas.
Firaq Gorakhpuri. Kulliyat-i Firaq.
Rahi Masoom Raza. Karbal Katha.
Rahi Masoom Raza. Selected essays and speeches.
E. Shi’ism in India
Cole, Juan R. I. Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722–1859. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.
Hollister, John Norman. The Shi’a of India. London: Luzac & Co., 1936.
Rizvi, Saiyid Athar Abbas. A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isna ‘Ashari Shi’is in India. 2 vols. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1986.
Rizvi, Saiyid Athar Abbas. A History of Sufism in India. 2 vols. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
Momen, Moojan. An Introduction to Shi’i Islam. Yale University Press, 1985.
Takim, Liyakat N. The Heirs of the Prophet: Charisma and Religious Authority in Shi’ite Islam. Albany: SUNY Press, 2006.
Nakash, Yitzhak. The Shi’is of Iraq. Princeton University Press, 1994.
F. Muharram, Ritual and Memory
Ayoub, Mahmoud M. Redemptive Suffering in Islam: A Study of the Devotional Aspects of ‘Ashura in Twelver Shi’ism. The Hague: Mouton, 1978.
Pinault, David. The Shiites: Ritual and Popular Piety in a Muslim Community. London: I.B. Tauris, 1992.
Pinault, David. Horse of Karbala: Muslim Devotional Life in India. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.
Hyder, Syed Akbar. Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.
Schubel, Vernon James. Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’i Devotional Rituals in South Asia. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.
Aghaie, Kamran Scot. The Martyrs of Karbala: Shi’i Symbols and Rituals in Modern Iran. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004.
Aghaie, Kamran Scot (ed.). The Women of Karbala: Ritual Performance and Symbolic Discourses in Modern Shi’i Islam. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005.
Chelkowski, Peter J. (ed.). Ta’ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran. New York University Press, 1979.
G. Awadh and Lucknow
Oldenburg, Veena Talwar. The Making of Colonial Lucknow, 1856–1877. Princeton University Press, 1984.
Sharar, Abdul Halim. Guzishta Lucknow. English translation: Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture.
Cole, Juan R. I. Articles on Awadh and Shi’ism.
H. The Deccan and Hyderabad
Eaton, Richard M. A Social History of the Deccan, 1300–1761. Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Sherwani, H. K. History of the Qutb Shahi Dynasty. Hyderabad.
Yazdani, Ghulam. Bidar: Its History and Monuments. Oxford University Press.
Bilgrami, Syed Ali Asgar. Landmarks of the Deccan.
I. Bengal and Eastern India
Rizvi, Saiyid Athar Abbas. A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isna ‘Ashari Shi’is in India. (Sections on Bengal.)
Hollister, John Norman. The Shi’a of India. (Sections on Murshidabad.)
Roy, Asim. The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal. Princeton University Press, 1983.
Chatterjee, Kumkum. The Cultures of History in Early Modern India. Oxford University Press, 2009.
Chaudhury, Sushil. From Prosperity to Decline: Eighteenth-Century Bengal. Manohar, 1995.
Abdul Karim. Murshid Quli Khan and His Times. Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1963.
Nair, P. Thankappan. Murshidabad: A Study in Historical Geography.
Nicholas, Ralph W. The Folk Religion of Bengal. Oxford University Press.
Saiyid Sultan. Nabivamsa.
Bengali Maqtal Husain puthis (various editions, Bangla Academy and Asiatic Society collections).
J. Architecture and Material Culture
Asher, Catherine B. Architecture of Mughal India. Cambridge University Press.
Michell, George (ed.). Islamic Heritage of India.
Brown, Percy. Indian Architecture (Islamic Period).
Nath, R. Studies on Mughal and Indo-Islamic architecture.
J. Architecture and Material Culture
Asher, Catherine B. Architecture of Mughal India. Cambridge University Press.
Michell, George (ed.). Islamic Heritage of India.
Brown, Percy. Indian Architecture (Islamic Period).
Nath, R. Studies on Mughal and Indo-Islamic architecture.
L. Useful Reference Works
Encyclopaedia Iranica (entries on Karbala, Muharram, Ta’ziya, Shi’ism and Awadh).
Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd and 3rd editions (entries on Husayn ibn Ali, Karbala, Muharram and Shi’ism).
Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Islamic World (relevant entries).
ASHA: Blast From The Past 